Introduction to mindfulness

Many people have completed exercises that are designed to promote mindfulness.  To illustrate, they might attend a session or listen to some instructions on YouTube, accompanied by serene music.  For example, they might receive instructions that resemble these words:

 

• Sit on a comfortable seat and close your eyes

• Direct your attention to your breath

• Inhale slowly, observing how the air fill your lungs.  Then, exhale slowly, allowing the air to escape your lungs

• Inhale again slowly. Then exhale again slowly

• Observe how your stomach rises as you inhale and then falls as you exhale.

• If your mind wanders, gently attend to your breath again, whenever you can

 

• Now observe some of the feelings or sensations that pervade your body

• Perhaps start with your forehead?

• Does your forehead feel cool, light, relaxed, and comfortable?

• Do not force your forehead to feel cool, light, relaxed, and comfortable?

• But simply observe the feelings in your forehead

• Now shift your attention to your cheeks. 

• Do your cheeks feel cool, light, relaxed, and comfortable?

• Or perhaps you feel another sensation or even no sensation in your cheeks at all

• Now shift your attention to your shoulders and observe the feelings—and then your back, chest, arms, hands, stomach, legs, and feet.

 

• Now observe the thoughts that enter your head

• Perhaps you notice some worries, some doubts, or some memories of the past or daydreams about the future

• Imagine these thoughts are like messages on the radio—messages that you can louden or soften or even erase altogether

• Do not worry if these thoughts are good or bad, pleasant or unpleasant

• Just watch your thoughts, as if you another person, eavesdropping with curiosity but not concern

 

This exercise, and similar activities, have been shown to foster a state of mindfulness.  In this state, people tend to be aware of their immediate surroundings as well as their ongoing thoughts and feelings (Brown & Ryan, 2003). When eating a meal, for example, they may direct their attention to the immediate tastes as well as feel aware of their increasing sense of satiation or even the distention of their stomach (Brown & Ryan, 2003).  But, in a mindful state, individuals merely observe, rather than evaluate, these surroundings, thoughts, and feelings.  They do judge these experiences as good or bad.  They merely accept these experiences.

 

As research indicates, mindfulness can enhance the wellbeing of individuals. For example, if individuals do not experience mindfulness, they tend to feel mentally exhausted and drained whenever they need to multitask while they work or study.  In contrast, if individuals experience mindfulness, they can multitask without feeling exhausted (Kudesia et al., 2022)

 

Besides improving wellbeing, mindfulness meditation generates many other benefits as well. After people engage in mindfulness meditation, they feel more inspired to complete the tasks that feel meaningful—such as activities that resonate with their values, improve their relationships, or extend their capabilities (Smyth & Milyavskaya, 2021).  When people experience mindfulness, they are more likely to experience feelings of compassion.  They are more likely to behave supportively and cooperatively as well (Berry et al., 2020)—especially if they also feel a sense of connection to friends, family, or other social circles (Poulin et al., 2021).   Finally,when individuals experience this state of mindfulness, they negotiate and resolve matters significantly more effectively—because they are more concerned with the needs of everyone rather than only themselves (Masters-Waage et al., 2021).

 

Yet, in practice, because their lives are busy and unpredictable, people often do not experience mindfulness.  They might experience some emotion or even pain but are oblivious to this feeling or discomfort until later.  They might frequently engage in tasks but are not really aware of their behavior.  And they may become immersed in thoughts about their past or future instead of attending to ongoing activities.

 

Introduction to mindfulness at tertiary education institutions

Studies have explored the benefits of mindfulness in tertiary education institutions (e.g., Holyoke et a., 2022).  For example, research has often explored whether mindfulness improves the wellbeing of students.  In general, these studies indicate that mindfulness does indeed tend to diminish anxiety, depression, and stress to a moderate extent (Breedvelt et al., 2019). 

 

However, as Breedvelt et al. (2019) revealed, many of these studies are limited.  For example, these studies often compare the wellbeing of students who completed mindfulness exercises with the wellbeing of students who completed no exercises to improve mental health.  Potentially, when people complete any exercise that is designed to improve mental health, even some activity they are merely told might improve mental health, their mood could improve.

 

To explore this possibility, Breedvelt et al. (2019) reviewed studies that compared the wellbeing of students who completed mindfulness exercises with the wellbeing of students who completed other activities instead. In these studies, the benefits of mindfulness were only modest, but statistically significant. 

 

Besides wellbeing, research has also explored whether mindfulness interventions enhance the engagement of students.  For example, Ali et al. (2021) conducted a study in which postgraduate students completed measures that assess their tendency to be mindful, the degree to which they feel engaged and committed to their studies, as well as other psychological states, such as intrinsic motivation, hope, resilience, optimism and efficacy.  Individuals who tend to be mindful were more likely to feel engaged in their studies.  Intrinsic motivation, hope, resilience, optimism and efficacy mediated this relationship.  Presumably, mindfulness diminishes the intensity of worries, anxieties, and other distracting thoughts, promoting motivation, hope, resilience, optimism, and efficacy.

 

Definition of mindfulness: Key features

During a variety of mental states, such as rumination, people direct their attention towards their thoughts and feelings or towards their immediate surroundings.  However, when individuals experience mindfulness, they orient their attention towards the sensations, feelings, or experience—called experiential processing.  They do not orient their attention towards evaluation, judgment, or analysis, called analytical processing (Brown & Ryan, 2003)

 

More precisely, Germer (2005) defined the three interrelated constituents of mindfulness.  First, mindfulness involves a sense of awareness.  That is, individuals feel aware and attuned rather than hazy or vague.  Second, this awareness is directed to their ongoing experience. That is, individuals feel aware of their immediate experiences and environment—and do not direct their attention to past events or future possibilities.  Third, this awareness of ongoing experience is devoid of judgment, evaluation, and even elaboration (cf., Kabat-Zinn, 1994).  That is, their thoughts, feelings, sensations, and urges are all accepted rather than judged.

 

The term mindfulness can be used in different contexts.  That is, sometimes mindfulness refers to a description of some state—a state characterized as a sense of uncritical awareness of ongoing experience.  Alternatively, mindfulness can represent an intervention, usually involving meditation, in which individuals learn how to evoke this state of awareness. Finally, mindfulness can be conceptualized as a mental process, rather than as a state, underpinning self-regulation (Brown & Ryan, 2003) or acceptance (Linehan, 1994).

 

Definition of mindfulness: Key dimensions

Some scholars have proposed that mindfulness might entail multiple, distinct facets or dimensions. Bishop (2002), for example, distinguishes between awareness of ongoing experiences and the absence of any judgment or evaluation of these experiences.  Other scholars have challenged these attempts to enumerate the facets of mindfulness, conceptualizing this state or process as a unified phenomenon (e.g., Ivanovski & Malhi, 2007).

 

In addition, Holzel, Lazar, Gard, Shuman-Olivier, Vago, and Ott (2011) differentiated four main operations that underpin mindfulness mediation: regulation of attention, awareness of the body, regulation of emotion—entailing both reappraisal and exposure—and change in self-perspective. Baer (2003) argued that five mechanisms underpin the benefits of mindfulness training: exposure, cognitive change, self-management, relaxation, and acceptance. 

 

Definition of mindfulness: Evolution and history of this concep

Mindfulness ultimately emanated from Buddhist teachers. Nevertheless, several strands of research popularized the concept in psychological literature. For example, from a gestalt perspective, Perls (1973) contended that individuals develop alienated, neglected, or biased memories of experience. In a relaxed state, individuals can convert these experiences into clear perceptions.  These clear perceptions can be integrated into the self and promote wellbeing.

 

In the arena of psychology, mindfulness was first applied and evaluated formally as part of an approach, characterized by Kabat-Zinn (1982), called Mindfulness Based Stress Reduction.  Typically, the intervention lasts eight or so weeks and combines elements of mindfulness meditation and yoga.  Individuals learn how to maintain awareness of their immediate environment and experiences, while accepting themselves unconditionally rather than judging themselves critically.  Techniques include the body scan, in which individuals become aware of the feelings and sensations in each part of their body. In addition, individuals learn how to integrate these techniques into everyday life. Studies have demonstrated improvements in symptoms, lasting over 15 months, after individuals are exposed to this approach (Kabat-Zinn, Lipworth, & Burney, 1985)

 

Since this time, mindfulness has been embedded into other paradigms.  Specifically, mindfulness has been integrated with cognitive behavioral therapy, evolving into an approach called mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2002).  Similarly, mindfulness is integral to acceptance and commitment therapy (Hayes & Wilson, 1994).  Finally, dialectical behavior therapy, as delineated by Linehan (1993), also represents mindfulness mediation as one of the five key facets. This therapy was first designed to treat borderline personality disorder.

 

In these paradigms, mindfulness meditation is assumed to be distinct from most alternative forms of meditation (see Lutz, Slagter, Dunne, & Davidson, 2008).  In many traditional forms of meditation, individuals attempt to orient their attention towards a single entity: a candle, a word, an image, and so forth. They attempt to distract their attention from all other objects and thoughts. In mindfulness meditation, however, individuals attempt to maintain awareness on any ongoing mental experiences or events. They do not necessarily confine their attention to one specific object or thought—although inadvertent fixation is possible (Lutz, Slagter, Dunne, & Davidson, 2008).  

 

Consequences of mindfulness

Mindfulness curbs the inclination of individuals to evaluate their thoughts, feelings, and circumstances, potentially diminishing the intensity of unpleasant emotions (Brown & Ryan, 2004a). Indeed, many studies have shown that training that is intended to facilitate mindfulness improves wellbeing (Kabat-Zinn, 1990; Shapiro, Schwartz, & Bonner, 1998; Teasdale, Segal, Williams, Ridgeway, Soulsby, & Lau, 2000).

 

Mindfulness is positively related to subjective wellbeing, life satisfaction, and self-esteem, as well as inversely related to depression and anxiety (Brown & Ryan, 2003). These relationships tend to persist even after emotional intelligence, private self-consciousness, neuroticism, and extraversion are controlled.

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Benefits in clinical setting

A variety of studies have shown that attempts to instill mindfulness can alleviate mood disorders.  That is, interventions that introduce or entail mindfulness have been shown to ameliorate symptoms of anxiety (Evans, Ferrando, Findler, Stowell, Smart, & Haglin, 2008), trauma (Follette, Palm, & Pearson, 2006) as well as depression (Kingston, Dooley, Bates, Lawlor, & Malone, 2007). 

 

Nevertheless, the benefits of mindfulness are not confined to mood disorders. Such interventions have also been shown to curb psychosis (Bach & Hayes, 2002; Gaudiano & Herbert, 2006), exhibitionism (Paul, Marx, & Orsillo, 1999), eating disorders (Telch, Agras, & Linehan, 2000), and other disorders.  Furthermore, even physical conditions, such as chronic pain (Kabat-Zinn, 1982) are amenable to the benefits of mindfulness.

 

Mindfulness is more likely to surface when individuals refrain from denying or suppressing previous failures and, therefore, tends to correspond to accurate rather than biased perceptions, promoting many benefits. Individuals who report a mindful disposition, for example, are less likely to exhibit pathological gambling because they do not overestimate the frequency of their victories—a common source of gambling problems (Lakey, Campbell, Brown, & Goodie, 2007).

 

Although these findings are certainly encouraging, not all of these studies establish whether a state of mindfulness does indeed mediate the benefits of these interventions.  Conceivably, some other properties of these interventions, such as the novelty, could improve measures of wellbeing.

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Decrease in defense mechanisms

Usually, when individuals are exposed to some threat, they are susceptible to a range of defense mechanisms, such as denial.  If people consider their own mortality, for example, they feel the need to defend their existing beliefs.  Mindfulness has been shown to curb these defensive responses (Niemiec et al., 2010).

 

For example, in one study, some participants were encouraged to consider their mortality—a threatening image.  Furthermore, the extent to which American participants subsequently prefer presentations that vindicate, rather than question, their nation was assessed—a measure of a defensive response.  If individuals reported low levels of trait mindfulness, these participants preferred presentations that vindicated their nation, epitomizing a defensive response.  If individuals reported elevated levels of trait mindfulness, this defensive response was not as pronounced.  That is, participants who maintain awareness of their feelings, sensations, and environment did not act as defensively in response to reminders of their death (Niemiec et al, 2010).

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Responsible behavior

Mindfulness can also inspire people to behave more responsibly rather than rashly or irresponsibly. 

As Papies, Barsalou, and Custers (2012) showed, mindfulness can diminish the desirability of temptations and, therefore, can reduce impulsivity.  Across a series of studies, some participants were subjected to a brief mindfulness intervention. They watched a sequence of pictures, including attractive foods.  They were asked to monitor and observe the thoughts that each picture evoked.  They were informed that such thoughts are merely responses to the pictures and are thus transient.  These instructions were intended to highlight that thoughts are not equivalent to reality but are merely fleeting events.  Other participants, in the control condition, received either no instructions or other instructions, depending on the study. 

 

Next, participants completed a task that determines the extent to which they feel the need to approach desirable food.  On each trial, either an attractive food item, such as pizza, or a neutral food item, such as raisins, appeared on a screen.  Participants were told to press one button to shift the food away from them and one button to shift the food closer.  The color of a frame around the food signaled whether they should shift the food away or closer.

 

In general, participants were faster on trials in which they had to shift an attractive food item closer to them--because they tend to approach such foods.  However, across all studies, if the participants had been subjected to the mindfulness intervention, this tendency diminished.  They did not demonstrate this inclination to approach attractive foods to the same extent.   

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Emotional intelligence

Mindfulness may also enhance the emotional intelligence of people—a quality that is valued in organizations today (Schutte & Malouff, 2011).  Emotional intelligence is the capacity to identify, understand, utilize, and regulate emotions effectively. To illustrate when individuals are mindful, their awareness is clear rather than hazy.  They can, therefore, differentiate similar, but distinct, emotions such as dejection and anxiety, facilitating the development of emotional intelligence.  Second, mindful individuals orient their attention towards ongoing experiences, instead of the past and future.  They may be, therefore, more sensitive to the gestures and mannerisms of people, enhancing their ability to decipher emotions.  Finally, because they do not judge their experiences, they are more immune to biases, increasing the accuracy of their appraisals of emotions.  

 

To assess this association between mindfulness and emotional intelligence, Schutte and  Malouff (2011) conducted a study.  Participants completed a measure of trait mindfulness.  This measure assesses the extent to which individuals focus their attention on their ongoing experience, but without judgment.  In addition, they completed a measure of emotional intelligence, designed to assess the capacity of individuals to identify, understand, harness, and manage emotions in both themselves and other people.   Finally, a measure of wellbeing, including positive affect, negative affect, and life satisfaction, was administered.

 

Mindfulness was associated with these indices of wellbeing.  Emotional intelligence partly or fully mediated these relationships.  Although a cross-sectional study, these findings are consistent with the hypothesis that mindfulness enhances emotional intelligence.  This emotional intelligence enables individuals to regulate emotions affectively, enhancing their wellbeing.

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Empathy and cooperation

Training in mindfulness can also promote some, but perhaps not all, facets of empathy.  For example, in one study, conducted by Hopkins and Proeve (2013), some trainee psychologists participated in a program that entailed mindfulness based cognitive training.  The program comprised many features, such as a body scan, sitting meditation, hatha yoga, and observing thoughts.  In addition, participants learned how to integrate these principles into daily life.  At various times before and after the training, participants completed a series of scales, such as measures of perceived stress, mindfulness, and empathy.  The measure of empathy comprised four facets

 

Three of the four facets of empathy did not significantly change across time.  However, one facet, or the tendency of individuals to imagine themselves in fictional situations—an inclination that can impede interpersonal sensitivity—diminished after training and was maintained at least two months later.  Presumably, mindfulness, as predicted, enabled individuals to embed their attention within the interaction rather than shift their perspective to hypothetical settings.

 

Mindful individuals also tend to be cooperative and helpful at work.  Indeed, this benefit of mindfulness has been demonstrated in universities.  Tanova (2022), for example, conducted a study in a university in Cyprus.  As this study revealed, when individuals report elevated levels of mindfulness, they were more likely to help colleagues, accept inconveniences, suggest creative solutions to problems, and initiate other behaviors that are intended to improve the university.  

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Self-esteem

Mindfulness has also been shown to enhance self-esteem.  For example, in one study, conducted by Pepping, O'Donovan, and Davis (2013), participants completed the five-facet mindfulness questionnaire.  This instrument assesses the tendency of individuals to maintain awareness over their actions, rather than behave mindlessly, to describe or label their inner experiences, to refrain from judging their thoughts and feelings, to permit thoughts to enter their awareness without the need to suppress these experiences, and to observe their experiences.  In addition, the individuals completed a measure of self-esteem.  Besides observing experiences, all facets of mindfulness were positively associated with self-esteem. 

 

In a subsequent study, Pepping, O'Donovan, and Davis (2013) showed that a short mindfulness intervention enhanced state self-esteem.  That is, some participants completed a 15-minute intervention, in which they meditated on their breath and observed their thoughts without judging these experiences.  In the control condition, participants read a story.  The mindfulness intervention enhanced self-esteem.  Arguably, mindfulness diminishes the intensity of negative thoughts, such as doubts about personal capabilities. 

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Concentration and working memory

Mindfulness training has also been shown to enhance the capacity of people to excel on reading comprehension as well as enhance working memory.   Fewer distractions mediate or underpin these benefits of mindfulness training (Mrazek, Franklin, Phillips, Baird, & Schooler, 2013).

 

Specifically, in the study conducted by Mrazek, Franklin, Phillips, Baird, and Schooler (2013), half the participants completed mindfulness training over two weeks. During each week, they completed four classes, each lasing 45 minutes. Participants sat on cushions in a circle in an upright position with their gaze lowered. For 10 to 20 minutes, they engaged in mindfulness exercises, in which they directed their attention towards a sensory experience such as their breath, tastes, or sounds.  They shared their experiences with the class.  They were then encouraged to distinguish between thoughts that transpire naturally and elaborated thinking, to reframe distracting thoughts as mental projections in the present, to anchor their attention to their breath, to exhale deliberately, and to watch rather than suppress intrusive thoughts.  Individuals were also encouraged to apply these practices to daily activities.  In the control condition, participants completed training on nutrition instead over a similar timeframe.

 

A week later, participants completed a measure of reading comprehension and working memory.  To assess working memory, sequences of 3 to 7 letters were presented verbally, and participants needed to repeat these sequences.  Later, participants indicated the extent to which their mind wandered during these tasks.  Mindfulness enhanced performance on these tasks and reduced mind wandering. 

 

These findings are consistent with the notion that mindfulness diminishes activation of the default network--a collection of brain regions that are especially activated during rest rather than cognitive engagement.  This network is also associated with mind wandering.

 

Consequences of mindfulness: Creativity

Some but not all facets of mindfulness have been shown to enhance creativity (Baas, Nevicka, & Ten Velden, 2014). In particular, the capacity of individuals to observe and to orient their attention to many stimuli at the same time fosters this creativity. Other features of mindfulness, such as avoiding distractions, are not related or negatively related to creativity

 

For example, in one study, conducted by Baas, Nevicka, and Ten Velden (2014), participants completed a measure that gauges their capacity to maintain attention on their existing tasks rather than become distracted--one feature of mindfulness. In addition, to assess creativity, they were asked to identity all the possible uses of a brick.  The capacity to maintain attention and avoid distractions was actually negatively associated with creativity, as measured by frequency of ideas, even after controlling conscientiousness and neuroticism.

 

In another study, participants completed a scale that gauges several facets of mindfulness, such as the capacity to remain focused on the existing task and the ability to observe many stimuli, such as bodily sensations.  Only the capacity to observe many stimuli, such as thoughts, feelings, and bodily sensations, was positively associated with various measures of creativity, including past creative achievements and original solutions to problems.

 

Arguably, when people can observe, notice, and attend to many thoughts, feelings, and sensations, their thinking becomes more flexible. They can more readily shift the focus of their attention and thus can contemplate a more diverse range of possibilities, enhancing creativity.  They may be able to uncover subtle cues that many people overlook.  So, training individuals to be aware of their thoughts, feelings, and sensations could foster creativity.  In contrast, attention to the existing task may not offer these benefits and, in some instances, stifle these benefits.

 

Antecedents of mindfulness

Several practices or tendencies can interfere with this awareness and attention, disrupting mindfulness, as delineated by Brown and Ryan (2003). First, rumination over the past or fantasies over the future can distract attention from ongoing events. Second, the distribution of attention to several concurrent tasks can also impede mindfulness. Third, habitual and automatic behavior, without any awareness or attention, reduces mindfulness. Finally, denial or suppression, often intended to circumvent undesirable emotions, also impairs mindfulness.

 

Theories to explain the benefits of mindfulness: Self-determination and autonomy

Self-determination theory, propounded by Deci and Ryan (1980, 1985), is sometimes invoked to explain the benefits of mindfulness (Brown & Ryan, 2003). In particular, mindfulness might correspond to an awareness of personal needs, values, and interests. Consequently, individuals are able to choose courses of action that align with their core values, promoting wellbeing (Ryan & Deci, 2000).

 

Consistent with this premise, Brown and Ryan (2003) showed that individuals who report elevated scores of mindfulness also feel their desire for autonomy, competence, and connections with other people are fulfilled. When individuals experience a state of mindfulness, they are also more inclined to engage in activities because they align to their value or interest, not because of demands from anyone else.

 

Antecedents of mindfulness: Future clarity

According to Moss et al. (2017), when individuals perceive their future as more certain and vivid, called future clarity, they may be more likely to experience mindfulness.  Specifically, the future, when perceived as certain and vivid, feels more important.  People become more inclined to sacrifice their pleasure now to benefit this future.  They are willing to complete unpleasant tasks to develop skills or capabilities that could be useful many years from now.   Therefore, they perceive unpleasant emotions as possible opportunities to improve and not as states to avoid.  This tendency to direct their attention towards all information, including unpleasant information, epitomizes mindfulness. Consistent with this reasoning, in their study, people who perceive the future as vivid and certain were also more likely to report elevated levels of mindfulness. 

 

Antecedents of mindfulness: Adverse childhood experiences

Conceivably, adverse childhood experiences, such as child abuse, may diminish mindfulness (for a review, see Cheung, et al., 2022).  That is, when children experienced painful adversities, and thus feel continually helpless and vulnerable, they learn to distract their attention from reality.  They might imagine a future that is devoid of pain and uncertainty.  Over time, this tendency to dissociate their attention from their painful reality, unpleasant thoughts, or powerful emotions becomes entrenched.  They are reluctant to observe their thoughts, feelings, and surroundings.  Cheung, et al. (2022) did indeed confirm that adverse experiences during childhood diminish the mindfulness of adults. 

 

Theories to explain the benefits of mindfulness: Modest desires

Mindfulness might also curb unrealistic goals and desires. In a study conducted by Brown, Kasser, Ryan, Linley, and Orzech (2009), for example, participants answered a series of questions that gauge their level of mindfulness as well as their current and desired financial status, with questions such as "How well does your current financial status right now approach what you want".  Furthermore, to gauge subjective wellbeing, these individuals answers questions that gauge their emotional state and satisfaction with life.

 

Mindfulness was inversely related to the discrepancy between current and desired financial status.  Interestingly, this relationship was observed even after annual income, household income, savings, debt, and assets were controlled. Thus, mindfulness seems to improve satisfaction with financial status, regardless of actual wealth.  Accordingly, when individuals experience a mindful orientation, their desired level of wealth seems to dissipate (Brown, Kasser, Ryan, Linley, & Orzech, 2009). Furthermore, the same pattern of results emerged when training was convened to manipulate levels of mindfulness (Brown, Kasser, Ryan, Linley, & Orzech, 2009). 

 

Several mechanisms might underpin the observation that mindfulness prevents lofty, unrealistic financial goals (see Burch, 2000; Rosenburg, 2004).  First, when individuals adopt a mindful orientation, they tend to appreciate their immediate subjective experiences in lieu of material goods.  The importance of wealth and status tends to wane (Brown & Kasser, 2005). Second, because mindful individuals are more attuned to their intrinsic desires, they might be less susceptible to advertising.  In contrast, the desired wealth of other individuals might soar after watching advertising campaigns and other social forces (Brown, Kasser, Ryan, Linley, & Orzech, 2009). Finally, when individuals demonstrate a mindful state, they are more likely to accept their circumstances and state (e.g., Baer, 2003).  This acceptance might extend to their financial status as well.

 

Theories to explain the benefits of mindfulness: Specific attributions

Mindfulness might also curb the inclination of individuals to form global negative evaluations about themselves.  To illustrate, some individuals extract broad negative attributions about themselves from specific events.  They might perceive themselves as hopeless in general after failures in specific circumstances only—an attribution style that is associated with depression.  This inclination to form global evaluations also coincides with memories of general, rather than specific, autobiographical events.  Mindfulness, in which individuals orient their attention to the specific circumstance, rather than connect event to past or future episode, has been shown to ameliorate this inclination and thus, at least sometimes, could prevent depression (Williams, Teasdale, Segal, & Soulsby, 2000).

 

Theories to explain the benefits of mindfulness: Cognitive defusion

Mindfulness meditation might increase the capacity of individuals to detach themselves from their thoughts.  Some individuals conceptualize their thoughts, such as the words "I am too fat", as a veridical reflection of reality.  Consequently, the responses that such reality might evoke--such as urges to shun social situations as well as feelings of shame--are also elicited by the thought (Masuda, Hayes, Sackett, & Twohig, 2004). 

 

After mindfulness training, however, individuals might assume that thoughts are not necessarily representations of reality.  These thoughts, instead, are conceptualized as transient, ephemeral events—a process called cognitive defusion (Hayes, 2003; Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999). 

 

After this realization, these unpleasant thoughts are less likely to evoke the sequence of responses that an authentic event might elicit. Instead, individuals can respond more flexibly rather than rigidly.  Furthermore, individuals do not feel the urge to inhibit, evade, or modify these thoughts.  These thoughts are not tangible problems that need to be defeated (cf., Baer, 2003). Even repeating an upsetting thought, deliberately and audibly, for over half a minute can foster these benefits (Masuda, Hayes, Sackett, & Twohig, 2004).

 

Indeed, many of the accounts and narratives that relate to mindfulness allude to this detachment from thoughts. Brown, Ryan, and Creswell (2007), for example, maintain that mindfulness instills a dissociation between the objects of which individuals are aware and the responses that such stimuli would usually evoke. Likewise, Kabat-Zinn (1990) introduced the concept of choiceless awareness, in which individuals become aware of some experience or object, without the need to engage, evaluate, or elucidate this stimulus.

 

Theories to explain the benefits of mindfulness: Relaxation

Conceivably, as several authors acknowledge (e.g., Dunn, Hartigan, & Mikulas, 1999), the benefits of mindfulness could merely be ascribed to positive emotions, such as relaxation. Certainly, mindfulness does reduce anxiety or arousal (Kabat-Zinn, 1990).  Despite the affective consequences of mindfulness meditation, such practices are not intended to improve emotional states immediately.  Indeed, mindfulness should enable individuals to experience and recognize negative affect rather than suppress or evade these emotions (e.g., Kabat-Zinn, 2003).  

 

Theories to explain the benefits of mindfulness: Diminution of defensive reactions

When individuals experience some problem or difficulty, a host of defensive reactions often ensue.  They might, for example, attempt to suppress their emotions or evade some setting in the future.  Similarly, they might divorce themselves from social interactions, because of a sense of distrust.

 

Some evidence indicates that mindfulness might preclude some of these defensive reactions.  Mindfulness, for example, is associated with acceptance of negative emotions or thoughts (Brown & Ryan, 2004; Hayes, 1994; Roemer & Orsillo, 2002).  Therefore, the inclination of individuals to suppress unpleasant emotions--an inclination that often aggravates these feelings (Wegner, 1994)—diminishes.

 

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