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First-generation tertiary education students

by Simon Moss

Introduction

Many tertiary education institutions recognize that students whose parents or caregivers did not study at this level, called first-generation students, may experience some distinct challenges (but see Patfield et al., 2020).  Therefore, these institutions have introduced a range of initiatives to attract and to support first-generation students, especially because about a quarter of students in some nations, such as the US (Cahalan et al., 2017), are first-generation students.  For example, the University of Wollongong introduced First Gen Trailblazer, a website, series of events, and other activities to support first-generation students.  For example

 

  • during the orientation week, the university host a panel, in which existing students and staff, whose parents or caregivers did not study at this level, answer questions about university life

  • the website outlines the insights that previous first-generation students wish they would have known earlier, such as how to improve writing and presentation skills, how to manage their time effectively, who to contact to address concerns, how to enroll in tutorials, and so forth

  • the website also outlines insights and practices that families should consider—and promotes free campus tours to families.

 

Governments have also attempted to attract and to assist first-generation students.  For example, in America, even since the 1960s, first-generation students have attracted funding from the federal government (Engle & Tinto, 2008). 

 

Nevertheless, this distinction between first-generation students and their peers, often referred to as continuing-generation peers, has sparked controversy.  Specifically, many scholars question the tendency of both researchers and institutions to homogenize first-generation students (e.g., Patfield et al., 2020; Taylor et al., 2019).  Furthermore, the discourse in this field has, perhaps inadvertently often depicted first-generation students as inferior or unworthy.  To counteract this perception, some researchers have instead oriented their attention more to the strengths and qualities of these students (O’Shea, 2015; O’Shea et al., 2017).  

 

Some researchers distinguish first-generation students from first-in-family students. Students may be defined as first in family when nobody in their household has completed tertiary education.  Regardless, Patfield et al. (2020) argued that both of these conceptualizations may be unhelpful, because they imply that first-generation students or first-in-family students tend to experience shared problems.   To illustrate, Patfield et al. (2020) distinguish between

 

  • first-generation students, studying in school, who already are motivated to study at university

  • first-generation students who are not motivated to study at university

 

Obviously, these two subsets of students experience distinct motivations. Initiatives designed to attract one subset of these students might not be suited to the other subset.       

 

Challenges that first-generation students experience: Retention

Although many scholars question the discourse around first-generation students—especially the assumption these students are homogenous and more likely to experience challenges—research has shown that, on average, individuals in this cohort are more susceptible to impediments in their studies.  As research indicates, first-generation students are more likely to leave prematurely, before they attain their degree (Ishitani, 2003, 2006; Somers et al., 2004).  To illustrate, Ishitani (2003) analyzed the data of 1747 students, enrolled in a public university in the Midwest of America.  Information about when these students were enrolled was matched to information about their characteristics, derived from a study survey.   The researchers utilized event history modeling to reveal that first-generation students were more likely than peers to discontinue their studies. 

 

Indeed, even after controlling race, gender, high school GPA, and family income, the risk of withdrawal was 71% higher in first-generation students than students in which both parents attended tertiary education institutions.  As these results indicate, many of the challenges that first-generation students experienced cannot solely be ascribed to limited finances or racial matters. 

 

Challenges that first-generation students experience: Critical thinking

Arguably, compared to other students, first-generation students may not be exposed to some of the academic skills, norms, discourse, or practices that pervade tertiary education.  Consequently, these students may not develop the skills or become familiar with the norms, discourse, or practices that could benefit their tertiary education.

 

To illustrate, some research has explored whether critical thinking skills—a key determinant of academic and career success—may differ between first-generation students and other students.  For example, in one study, published by Katrevich and Aruguete (2017), 160 students, recruited from a mathematics course at an American university, received a packet that comprised a measure of critical thinking, demographic questions, and other questions.  These students were also prompted to specify their grade point average.  To measure critical thinking, participants completed the Advanced Reasoning Skills Test.  To illustrate a typical item, participants received a statement, such as “All Mercurians tell lies”, and then chose which of four options was correct, such as “If anyone is Mercurian, that person is a liar”, “If anyone is a liar, that person is a Mercurian”, “As least one person is a Mercurian who lies”, and “People do not lie unless they are Mercurian.”

 

Almost half the participants identified themselves as first-generation students.  As the data revealed, critical thinking was more proficient in the continuing-generation students compared to the first-generation students—and critical thinking did indeed predict grade point average and performance in the course.  The effect size was medium.   The causes of this difference were not explored.  One possibility is that first-generation students are not as likely to be exposed to academic discourse.  For example, their parents might not be as likely to discuss or refer to logical flaws.

 

Challenges that first-generation students experience: Integration

Many of the challenges that first-generation students experience, however, may not be ascribed to a deficiency in skills but merely to a feeling of dissociation from university life. Some research has examined the possibility that some, if not many, first-generation students might not feel as integrated or connected with life at universities as do their continuing-generation counterparts.  Some first-generation students, for example, might feel they share few characteristics in common with peers or academics, compromising their capacity or motivation to establish relationships.  According to Tinto (1975, 2004), this sense of dissociation from the institution tends to diminish persistence and increase the likelihood of withdrawal. 

 

To evaluate this possibility, in the study that Katrevich and Aruguete (2017) published, 160 university students in America completed a survey that assesses personal characteristics and practices, such as whether they are first-generation students, the extent to which they interact with academics, such as seek feedback, the degree to which they can devote enough time, energy, and finances to their studies, and other questions about motivation and social support.

 

The findings revealed that first-generation students interacted less frequently with academics, and dedicated less time, energy, and finances to their studies, relative to other students.  Because of these differences, first-generation students were not as likely to complete their course.  In contrast, their motivation to excel and perceptions of past academic knowledge did not differ significantly between first-generation students and continuing-generation students.   As these findings imply, the main challenges that first-generation students experience may revolve around integration with the institution rather than motivation or knowledge.       

 

Perspectives, experiences, and qualities that benefit first-generation students

Rather than identify only the challenges that first-generation students experiences, researchers now often consider the perspectives, experiences, and qualities that help these students thrive.  Capannola and Johnson (2022), for example, uncovered some of the strengths and resources of first-generation students that emanate from family dynamics.  Specifically, the researchers conducted eight phenomenological interviews with undergraduate students who were not only first-generation students but first in family.  The questions revolved around the role of families. Inductive thematic analysis uncovered three key themes.

 

The first theme revolved around the notion that some first-in-family students perceived themselves as role models to other members of their family, and this perception ignited their motivation to thrive and enhanced their commitment to study.  Specifically, these participants often liked to feel they can inspire other family members to pursue tertiary education, normalizing this experience and demonstrating the feasibility of study, despite some hardships.  Furthermore, these participants hoped they could relay the insights they learned about how to navigate academia to their family.  They could help these family members overcome some of the barriers to tertiary education, such as demonstrate how to seek administrative and financial assistance. 

 

The second theme revolved the notion that, although these participants were first-in-family, their journey was shared with their family: They were not alone in this endeavor.  Some parents, who were not granted this opportunity to study, were especially determined to help their children thrive in this setting.  The children, therefore, were inspired by the money, time, and effort their parents had invested in this journey.  Parents who were affluent, despite limited education, often felt their wealth could be invested into an enduring benefit: the education of their children. 

 

In addition, the challenges these participants had experienced, and surmounted, throughout life, from mental health problems to abject poverty, also instilled the confidence they needed to thrive in tertiary education.  In response to problems at university, for example, some participants remembered or were reminded of their past feats to overcome hurdles and problems.    

The final theme revolved around the symbiotic relationship between study and home.  Family responsibilities, although common in first-in-family students, did not necessarily impede their educational pursuits.  Often, these family responsibilities boosted their resolve or wellbeing.  For example, some participants regarded their home and family responsibilities as a refuge, enabling these students to divert attention from the anxieties and challenges of study.  Other participants, after navigating the challenges of study, felt even more appreciative of the support or significance of their family life.        

 

Perspectives, experiences, and qualities that benefit first-generation students: Engaging practices

As research indicates, some initiatives and practices that are intended to promote student engagement and student learning are especially helpful to first-generation students.  That is, first-generation students are sometimes more likely than other students to benefit from these practices.

 

Miller et al. (2021) uncovered one example of this pattern.  Specifically, these researchers utilized immersive virtual reality to teach organic chemistry.  In one condition, participants were exposed to virtual reality.  After they donned their headsets, for example, they observed a virtual environment, located in the sky, in which they were exposed to various atoms and bonds that generated molecules.  They needed to solve various puzzles that relate to these molecules.  The background also shifted, each time showing an image that was relevant to the molecules in their vicinity.  Students learned how to assemble a variety of structures, such as methane.  In another condition, participants were not exposed to virtual reality

 

Overall, virtual reality did not significantly improve performance on the exam that assesses knowledge of this topic.  However, the effect of virtual reality on exam performance was significant in first-generation students.  Perhaps, virtual reality may override some of the challenges that first-generation students in particular may sometimes experience, such as limited awareness of strategies to increase engagement or concentration. 

 

Practices that are especially likely to disadvantage first-generation students: Competition

First-generation students may thrive in some institutions but not in other institutions.  That is, the characteristics and practices of institutions may affect the experience and performance of first-generation students relative to their continuing-generation counterparts.  

 

As Canning et al. (2020) revealed, first-generation students are especially likely to experience problems in competitive settings.  In particular, competition between students often elicits anxiety or stress, compromising the concentration, commitment, and performance of these individuals.  This effect of competition, however, may be more pronounced in first-generation students.  That is, the families of first-generation students, in contrast to continuing-generation students, may be more likely to value family support over competition.  The competitive nature of these classrooms, therefore, may seem especially unfamiliar to first-generation students.  The sense of isolation these first-generation students may experience could amplify the typical stress and anxiety that emanates from competition.   

 

Similarly, some first-generation students feel they do not belong in academic settings.  They feel like a fraud—like an imposter, whose incompetence will be discovered, called imposter syndrome.  In competitive settings, students feel their incompetence is more likely to be discovered. Hence, their susceptibility to imposter syndrome may be especially pronounced in classroom environments that seem competitive.   

 

To explore this possibility, 818 undergraduate STEM students, at an American university, participated in a longitudinal study, exploring the degree to which they perceived the classroom environment as competitive and the degree to which they feel like an imposter.  To assess competition, students indicated the degree to which they agree or disagree with two statements: “Students tend to be very competitive with each other in this class” and “The professor seems to pit students against each other in a competitive manner in this class”.  To measure imposter syndrome, participants indicated the extent to which they agree or disagree with statements like “In class, I felt like people might find out that I am not as capable as they think I am”. Finally, participants answered questions to gauge the degree to which they feel engaged in class and committed to the course as well as their grades. Participants completed this survey four to six times during Weeks 2 to 4 of their class. 

 

The analyses uncovered some interesting patterns.  First, when the classroom was more competitive, students were more likely to feel like imposters.  This relationship between competition and imposter syndrome, however, was more pronounced in first-generation students.  That is, first-generation students were more sensitive to the adverse effects of competition. This imposter syndrome tended to diminish the likelihood that students would feel engaged and committed or receive exemplary grades.

 

Practices that are especially likely to disadvantage first-generation students: A selective environment

Most tertiary education institutions like to attract and to select the most capable students.  In some tertiary education institutions, especially the most prestigious universities, this goal to select the most capable students is especially conspicuous.  In their promotional material, some of these universities, for example, explicitly underscore their intention to attract gifted and capable students.    

 

As Jury et al. (2015) suggested and confirmed, when institutions explicitly prioritize selection of the best students, first-generation students are especially likely to be disadvantaged.  That is, first-generation students occasionally doubt their capabilities, feeling like they might be inferior.  When institutions explicitly prioritize selection, they become even more attuned to this possibility they might be inferior.  This sense of inferiority tends to compromise their perseverance and performance.   

 

To confirm this possibility, Jury et al. (2015) invited 91 psychology undergraduate students to participate in an experimental study.  Half the participants were assigned to a condition in which the importance of university selection was underscored.  For example, the study was depicted as a program around “Succeeding in a bachelor program: at university, promoting excellence”.  Participants were informed that “teachers do their best, throughout their practices, to identify the best students among you” and then prompted to consider “which type of selection method should be promoted at the university in order to truly identify the best students?” The other participants were assigned to a condition in which the importance of university selection was not underscored.  Instead, the university was depicted as an institution that attempts to enhance the success of all students. 

 

After they were exposed to this information, participants completed a series of challenging arithmetic tasks, called modular problems.  They commenced with sample questions to learn how to complete these problems, and then completed 48 of three problems.  

 

At the same time, participants received information, albeit fictitious, about their performance relative to peers.  For example, as they were informed, whenever their performance is lower than average, one arrow, positioned lower on the screen, would be smaller than another arrow, positioned higher on the screen.  Their eyes were tracked as well.  Participants who are vigilant to threat are especially likely to shift their eyes to the arrows when these cues indicate their performance was lower than average.

 

As hypothesized, relative to other students, the performance of first-generation students was more likely to be impaired when the importance of selection was underscored.  However, contrary to hypotheses, in this condition, first-generation students were not more likely to shift their eyes towards cues that indicate their inferiority.  Nevertheless, this finding could be ascribed to limitations of the method the researchers utilized to measure vigilance.   

 

Theories invoked to explain the experiences of first-generation students: Bourdieu’s perspective

Some researchers, such as Patfield et al. (2020), invoke the notion of social capital, as defined by Bourdieu, to explain which first-generation students are likely to experience various challenges.  According to this perspective, individuals need to strategically dedicate time and effort into relationships to develop social capital—relationships that facilitate or impede social action.  However, economic capital, such as assets, and cultural capital, such as cultural knowledge, may impinge on this social capital.  For example, first-generation students whose parents earn only a modest income are not as likely to have developed relationships with people who have attended university. 

 

The implication of this perspective is that first-generation status, alone, may not diminish the likelihood that students will attend, embrace, and complete university.  Indeed, first-generation students who have developed relevant social capital, such as friendships with undergraduates, may not experience the challenges of other first-generation students.  As Patfield et al. (2020) revealed, after conducting a series of focus groups with high school students, the social capital and network of first-generation students varies appreciably.  For example

 

  • some first-generation students have developed relationships, and learned about universities, from cousins or other family members who attend—labelled the inheritors

  • other first-generation students develop relationships with contacts of the family who have attended university, called the opportunists

  • finally, some first-generation students, called the outsiders, have developed few, if any, relationships with individuals who have attended university

 

As these findings imply, some first-generation students feel a sense of connection to university, partly because of the legitimacy they feel after family members attended university.  Likewise, this perspective implies that first-generation status is dynamic, as their social capital and connection to university shifts over time, partly as a consequence of their contacts, friendships, and family. 

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Theories invoked to explain the experiences of first-generation students: The Student Integration Model

Some researchers, such as Katrevich and Aruguete (2017), have invoked the Student Integration Model, proposed by Tinto (1975, 2004), to explain some of the challenges that first-generation students might experience.  This model outlines the forces that affect the likelihood that students will persist and attain a degree rather than depart prematurely.  The crux of this model is that students who become integrated in the life of this institution, both socially and academically, are more likely to persist. Integration could manifest as strong relationships with peers, participation in clubs, and engagement in academic or intellectual activities, for example.   

 

According to Tinto, some students might perceive the institution as incongruent with their values, customs, and needs.  This incongruence might deter students from activities that facilitate their integration.  Alternatively, some students might feel unable to establish trusting relationships with peers, potentially limiting their sense of integration and, ultimately, compromising persistence with their studies.  

 

As this model implies, even the experiences of students before they enroll in tertiary education can impinge on the degree to which they feel integrated with the social life and intellectual life of this institution. For example, a portion of first-generation students might perceive some academic practices, such as debates about philosophical topics, as unfamiliar, potentially compromising their integration with some academic or intellectual activities.  Likewise, some first-generation students might feel they share few experiences with peers, impairing their social integration.  

 

Nevertheless, this model also indicates that many initiatives or practices could offset the challenges these first-generation students experience. Opportunities that enable these students to receive mentoring, from academics and peers, for example, can foster integration and thus persistence.  

 

References

  • Antonelli, J., Jones, S. J., Burridge, A. B., & Hawkins, J. (2020). Understanding the self-regulated learning characteristics of first-generation college students. Journal of College Student Development, 61(1), 67-83.

  • Aruguete, M. S. (2017). Recognizing challenges and predicting success in first-generation university students. Journal of STEM Education: Innovations and Research, 18(2).

  • Bahack, H., & Addi-Raccah, A. (2022). PhD first-generation and continuing generation students’ academic experience and strengths. Higher Education.

  • Cahalan, M., Perna, L. W., Yamashita, M., Wright-Kim, J., & Jiang, N. (2019). 2019 Indicators of higher education equity in the United States: Historical trend report.

  • Capannola, A. L., & Johnson, E. I. (2022). On being the first: The role of family in the experiences of first-generation college students. Journal of Adolescent Research, 37(1), 29-58.

  • Canning, E. A., LaCosse, J., Kroeper, K. M., & Murphy, M. C. (2020). Feeling like an imposter: The effect of perceived classroom competition on the daily psychological experiences of first-generation college students. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 11(5), 647-657.

  • Engle, J., & Tinto, V. (2008). Moving beyond access: College success for low-income, first-generation students. The Pell Institute for the Study of Opportunity in Higher Education.

  • Forbus, P. R., Newbold, J. J., & Mehta, S. S. (2011). First-generation university students: Motivation, academic success, and satisfaction with the university experience. International Journal of Education Research, 6(2), 34-56.

  • Ishitani, T. T. (2003). A longitudinal approach to assessing attrition behavior among first-generation students: Time-varying effects of pre-college characteristics. Research in Higher Education, 44 (4), 433–449.

  • Ishitani, T. T. (2006). Studying attrition and degree completion behavior among first-generation college students in the United States. The Journal of Higher Education, 77(5), 861–885

  • Ivemark, B., & Ambrose, A. (2021). Habitus adaptation and first-generation university students’ adjustment to higher education: A life course perspective. Sociology of Education, 94(3), 191-207.

  • Jack, A. A. (2016). (No) harm in asking: Class, acquired cultural capital, and academic engagement at an elite university. Sociology of Education, 89(1).

  • Jury, M., Smeding, A., & Darnon, C. (2015). First-generation students’ underperformance at university: The impact of the function of selection. Frontiers in Psychology, 6.

  • Katrevich, A. V., & Aruguete, M. S. (2017). Recognizing challenges and predicting success in first-generation university students. Journal of STEM Education, 18(2).

  • Lohfink, M. M., & Paulsen, M. B. (2005). Comparing the determinants of persistence for first-generation and continuing-generation students. Journal of College Student Development, 46(4), 409-428.

  • Luzeckyj, A., McCann, B., Graham, C., King, S., & McCann, J. (2017). Being first in family: Motivations and metaphors. Higher Education Research & Development, 36(6), 1237–1250.

  • McCallen, L. S., & Johnson, H. L. (2020). The role of institutional agents in promoting higher education success among first-generation college students at a public urban university. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 13(4).

  • Mehta, S. S., Newbold, J. J., & O'Rourke, M. A. (2011). Why do first-generation students fail?. College Student Journal, 45(1), 20-36.

  • Metcalf, D. A., & Wiener, K. K. K. (2018). Academic self-efficacy in a twenty-first-century Australian university: Strategies for first-generation students. Higher Education Research & Development, 37(7), 1472-1488.

  • Miller, M. D., Castillo, G., Medoff, N., & Hardy, A. (2021). Immersive VR for organic chemistry: Impacts on performance and grades for first-generation and continuing-generation university students. Innovative Higher Education, 46(5), 565-589.

  • O’Shea, S. (2015). Arriving, surviving, and succeeding: First-in-family women and their experiences of transitioning into the first year of university. Journal of College Student Development, 56(5), 499–517.

  • O’Shea, S., & Delahunty, J. (2018). Getting through the day and still having a smile on my face! How do students define success in the university learning environment? Higher Education Research & Development, 37(5), 1062–1075.

  • O’Shea, S., May, J., Stone, C., & Delahunty, J. (2017). First-in-family students, university experience and family life: Motivations, transitions and participation. Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Patfield, S., Gore, J., & Fray, L. (2022). Degrees of “being first”: toward a nuanced understanding of first-generation entrants to higher education. Educational Review, 74(6), 1137-1156.

  • Somers, P., Woodhouse, S., & Cofer, J. (2004). Pushing the boulder uphill: The persistence of first-generation college students. NASPA Journal, 41(3), 418–435.

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  • Stephens, N. M., Fryberg, S. A., Markus, H. R., Johnson, C. S., & Covarrubias, R. (2012). Unseen disadvantage: how American universities' focus on independence undermines the academic performance of first-generation college students. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 102(6).

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White Structure

Intergroup contact hypothesis

by Simon Moss

Benefits of intergroup contact

Many tertiary education institutions embrace diversity and inclusivity.  They want their staff and students to be receptive to diverse communities, demographics, and perspectives.  They want to diminish or, if possible, eradicate biased or prejudices against minorities, women, LGBTIQ+, and other specific demographics.   

 

To achieve this goal, institutions need to be cognizant of the research that explores the nuances and complications of the intergroup contact hypothesis.  According to this hypothesis, in specific circumstances, even mere exposure or interactions with other ethnicities or communities may diminish biases and stem prejudice (see Allport, 1979; Amir & Katz, 1976).  Originally, Allport (1954) proposed that specific features of these interactions with other communities were especially likely to stem prejudice—such as experiences in which the individuals pursued shared goals, completed tasks that were equal in status, and cooperated effectively.   Later variants of this hypothesis, however, indicated that intergroup contact may diminish prejudice even when these conditions are not fulfilled. 

 

Yet, research has shown that institutions need to be cognizant of several complications and subtleties.  To illustrate some of these nuances

 

  • in some instances, after individuals observe another community, their biases and prejudices are amplified

  • after individuals observe a friend interact with another community, their prejudices often subside

  • after individuals imagine an interaction with another community, their prejudices may also subside

  • after individuals interact with members of other communities, not only do their prejudices often subside but their capacity to solve problems often improves.

 

Benefits of intergroup contact: Interest in the culture of other communities

Intergroup contact may also promote interest in other communities, especially if the individuals experience a sense of connection or similarity.  Indeed, this interest seems, at least partly, to mediate the relationship between intergroup contact and diminished prejudice (Brannon & Walton, 2013).  

 

For example, in one study, Canadian participants discussed opinions with a Chinese person, who was actually a confederate—that is, an actor, engaged by the researchers.   The confederate mimicked the posture, arm position, and leg position of some but not all participants, intended to foster a sense of connection or similarity.  Next, participants indicated the extent to which they are interested in learning more about various cultures.   Finally, participants were granted opportunities to purchase lottery tickets to win various Chinese cultural products.  As predicted, after individuals experienced a sense of connection with a Chinese person, they expressed more interest in this culture, as gauged by both the self-report measure and purchase of lottery tickets. 

 

Subsequent studies showed the same pattern of results was observed in other cultures and with other manipulations.  For example, these results were observed when a confederate referred to idiosyncratic interests in common with the participants, such as their favorite book.  Furthermore, these effects seemed to last at least 6 months.  In addition, this interest in the other culture diminished prejudice, as gauged by an implicit association test—a computer test that assesses the extent to which participants associate the culture with positive words rather than negative words.  However, when individuals felt their interest in the culture was imposed—because the experimenter demanded the participants learn about a group—this decrease in prejudice vanished. 

 

Presumably, when people feel a sense of connection to another community, they naturally assimilate the goals, motivations, and customs of this group with how they define themselves.  Consequently, they attach some importance or weight to these goals, motivations, and customs; they become interested in these norms and customs.  Because individuals like to maintain a sense of consistency, this interest then diminishes prejudice.  

 

Benefits of intergroup contact: Cognitive flexibility

Intergroup does not only affect the attitudes of individuals towards other communities but can also improve the cognitive skills of individuals.  For example, after people interact with other communities, they become more sensitive to the possibility of other perspectives, practices, or values.  They do not perceive their existing assumptions or behaviors as inevitable.  So, to solve problems, they are more inclined to question their beliefs or consider alternative courses of action. Therefore, as research has confirmed, intergroup contact does indeed improve the capacity of individuals to solve problems creatively (e.g., Lu et al., 2017; Maddux & Galinsky, 2009; Sommers, 2006)  

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The exposure and engagement with cultural and ethnic diversity makes people aware of different worldviews that may trigger more systematic and complex thinking “outside the box” (Bowman, 2010; for similar results relating to the relationship between biculturalism and cognitive flexibility see, Spiegler & Leyendecker, 2017). Moreover, many studies on cross-group friendships have shown that its beneficial effect can go beyond intergroup relations, fostering cultural openness, social competence, moral reasoning, self-esteem, and greater leadership potential (Abbott & Cameron, 2014; Kawabata & Crick, 2008; Lease & Blake, 2005; Verkuyten et al., 2010). Together, these studies offer supportive evidence for tertiary transfer effects of positive intergroup contact. To the best of our knowledge there is no evidence for tertiary transfer effects of negative intergroup contact.

 

Conditions that magnify or diminish the benefits of intergroup contact: setting

Many studies have shown that various forms of contact with individuals from other communities— other ethnicities, religions, ages, genders, occupations, and so forth—can stem prejudice. Recent research, however, has explored the conditions that could moderate the benefits of intergroup contact.

 

Some studies, for example, have shown the setting in which these interactions proceed can affect whether intergroup contact will diminish prejudice. Hamberger and Hewstone (1997), for example, showed that contact with other ethnicities at a workplace does not stem prejudice. Conceivably, the work environment, individuals may believe that such relationships do not reflect any genuine bond or similarity. Indeed, ethnic minorities at work may sometimes be regarded as rivals, competing to secure valuable, but scarce, resources, opportunities, and jobs. Prejudices can sometimes intensify rather than diminish.  However, other studies indicate that intergroup contact is effective in workplaces, especially when employees work in diverse teams (e.g., Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). These settings may facilitate genuine and rewarding interactions with diverse communities. 

 

Conditions that magnify or diminish the benefits of intergroup contact: quality of the contact

The quality of contact also can moderate the effect of intergroup contact on prejudice (Pettigrew, 1997, 1998). Indeed, some studies show that incidental but regular exposure to minorities can amplify these prejudicial attitudes (e.g., Smith et al., 2006).

 

For example, sometimes employees might observe colleagues with other qualifications or ethnicities in the workplace but not interact with these individuals. Accordingly, these colleagues begin to feel more familiar. Familiarity without interaction, however, increases the likelihood that employees will invoke stereotypes to evaluate other colleagues. That is, when individuals feel that a colleague feels familiar, they do not evaluate this person carefully and methodically. Instead, to conserve effort, they apply stereotypes (e.g., Smith et al., 2006).

 

For example, consider an employee who observes a person with shabby clothes at a corporate function. This other person will thus seem familiar to the employee. Hence, they will apply stereotypes of individuals who wear shabby clothes to evaluation this person.

 

To substantiate this proposition, in one study, conducted by Smith et al. (2006), participants received limited information about a person—an accountant—and were instructed to characterize the personality of this individual. Some of the participants had been exposed to photographs of this person before. These participants were especially likely to apply the stereotypes of accountants when characterizing the person.

 

Conditions that magnify or diminish the benefits of intergroup contact: Salience or awareness of the social identity

In some circumstances, individuals are attuned to the group or demographic to which individuals belong, sometimes called their social identity.  For example, if they attend a cultural event, they may be more cognizant of the community or ethnicity to which attendants belong. In other instances, people may not be as attuned to the group or demographic to which individuals belong.   

 

According to Brown and Hewstone (2005; Hewstone & Brown, 1986), the degree to which individuals are sensitive to the group or demographic to which individuals belong—often called the salience of group membership—may affect the impact of intergroup contact.  If people are not sensitive to these demographics, intergroup contact might not be as likely to diminish biases.  That is, in these circumstances, a rewarding interaction with one member of a community will not extend to attitudes towards other members of the community.     

 

Conditions that magnify or diminish the benefits of intergroup contact: Level of prejudice

Some individuals are more likely to espouse prejudicial beliefs that other individuals.  For example, people who perceive society as hierarchical, in which some communities are inherently superior, people who believe that authorities should always be obeyed, and people who resist change are more inclined to adopt biased attitudes.  Interestingly, intergroup contact seems to benefit these individuals disproportionately.  That is, if individuals are otherwise prejudiced, intergroup contact is especially likely to shift their attitudes and diminish these biases (e.g., Barni et al., 2020; Graf & Sczensny, 2019; Hodson, 2011).

 

Characteristics or conditions that promote intergroup contact: A learning orientation

Because intergroup contact often stems prejudice, researchers have attempted to explore the conditions or circumstances that tend to promote this contact.  To illustrate, the primary motivations of individuals may affect the degree to which they are willing to interact with members of other communities. 

 

Specifically, some individuals are primarily motivated to develop and extend their knowledge, skills, and capabilities, called a learning orientation.  Other individuals are primarily motivated to outperform other people, achieve their targets or, at least, avoid failures, called a performance orientation.  As Migacheva and Tropp (2013) showed, when people adopt a learning orientation, they are more inclined to enjoy and embrace intergroup contact. They perceive these interactions as an opportunity to learn and develop rather than a source of failure, stress, or problems.

 

In one study, the participants, who were African Americans or European Americans, completed surveys.  First, they were asked whether they experience a learning orientation (e.g., “When you meet people who have a different skin color than you, how much do you think about what you can learn from them?”) or performance orientation (e.g., “When you meet people who have a different skin color than you, how much do you wonder how you should act around them?”) when they interact with people from another race.   Next, they were asked to indicate the degree to which they felt comfortable while interacting with people from another race and are interested in becoming friends with someone from another race.   A learning orientation was positively associated, and a performance orientation was negatively associated, with both comfort and interest in interracial interactions.  A subsequent longitudinal study showed that a learning orientation increases enjoyment of intergroup interactions over time. 

 

Characteristics or conditions that promote intergroup contact: Beliefs about the degree to which social categories are modifiable. 

According to some research, the extent to which social categories are perceived as modifiable could also affect the likelihood of intergroup contact.  Specifically, some people believe the norms and behavior of social categories, such as ethnicities, can change across time and depends appreciably on the sociopolitical environment.  Other people believe the norms and behavior of these social categories are relatively binding and stable over time.  In general, as Halperin, Crisp, Husnu, Trzesniewski, Dweck, and Gross (2012) showed, if people assume that social categories can change over time, they are more willing to interact with diverse communities.    

 

For example, in one study, participants read an article about the conflict between Turkey and Greece.  Some people were informed the level of violence and other undesirable behaviors have changed dramatically over time and depend on the political landscape in which the individuals lived.  Other people were informed the level of violence and other undesirable behaviors have persisted over time and do not depend on the political landscape in which the individuals lived.  Next, these participants were asked to indicate the extent to which they would experience negative emotions, such as anxiety or suspicion, if they needed to interact with someone from one of the other ethnic communities.  Finally, they were asked to indicate the degree to which they were willing to interact with a person from the other ethnicity to discuss opportunities to resolve the conflict.  As predicted, if participants were informed that groups could change, intergroup anxiety dissipated and willingness to discuss the conflict with the other ethnicity increased. 

​

Characteristics or conditions that promote intergroup contact: Egalitarian norms

Often, individuals feel inclined to shun people from other communities, such as unfamiliar ethnic groups.  Intergroup contact is thus deficient.  This avoidance, however, dissipates if individuals are exposed to egalitarian norms: the belief that everyone is equal and deserves to be treated equitably. Hence, exposure to the belief that everyone is equal may increase intergroup contact.

 

Wyer (2010) conducted a study to explore this possibility. First, some participants were exposed to the norm of egalitarianism. That is, they were asked to write an essay about how all people are equal and should be treated equitably.  The other participants wrote a control essay, about the importance of education.

 

Next, the participants completed a lexical decision task, intended to ascertain whether they are more inclined to approach or avoid homosexual people.  Specifically, they were exposed to a series of words or contrived items. Their task was to decide whether the item was a legitimate word.  Some of the words related to approach, such as contact, near, help, assist, and support.  Other words related to avoidance, such as flee, escape, shun, reject, and refuse.  Before each item appeared, the prime gay or ggg was presented rapidly and then masked, too rapidly to be recognized consciously.  Furthermore, prejudice towards homosexuals was assessed explicitly.

 

As hypothesized, if participants conceded they were prejudiced towards homosexuals, they recognized avoidance words more rapidly—and approach words less rapidly—after the prime gay instead of ggg.  However, if individuals were exposed to the egalitarian prime, this effect of prejudice on avoidance dissipated.  These norms, therefore, virtually nullified the usual avoidance of other communities, particularly in prejudiced individuals (Wyer, 2010). 

 

A subsequent study was the same, except the other community was African Caribbeans.  Again, when the egalitarian prime was introduced, this effect of prejudice on avoidance tended to dissipate.

 

These findings coincide with the theory that exposure to communities, or relevant cues, evokes the behaviors that individuals tend to enact while interacting with members of these collectives (see Cesario, Plaks, & Higgins, 2006).  Hence, if individuals feel they should approach everyone—regardless of ethnicity, creed, or sexual orientation—cues that relate to any community should evoke approach behavior.   

​

Extensions to the intergroup contact hypothesis: Vicarious or extended contact

Some scholars propose that individuals do not themselves need to be exposed to individuals from other minorities or demographics. Instead, if their friends often interact with other minorities or demographics, their prejudices will also diminish (Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe, & Ropp, 1997).

 

Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe, and Ropp (1997) indeed accumulated evidence to support this proposition. In one of their studies, some participants engaged in a cooperative game with someone from another group. When these participants then returned to discuss this experience with their own group, the prejudices of all individuals diminished.

 

Other authors have also substantiated this extended contact hypothesis. This observation has been observed in both children (see Cameron, Rutland, Brown, & Douch, 2006) and adults (Paolini, Hewstone, Cairns, & Voci, 2004; Turner, Hewstone, & Voci, 2007; Turner, Hewstone, Voci, and Vonofakou, 2008).

 

Extensions to the intergroup contact hypothesis: Imagined contact

Even when individuals imagine contact with another group, their prejudices subside (Crisp & Turner, 2009; Turner, Crisp, & Lambert, 2007). To illustrate, in a study conducted by Turner and Crisp (2010), participants were instructed to imagine conversing with an elderly person.  Later, they completed an implicit association test to ascertain whether they feel positively or negatively towards elderly people.  This computer test assesses the degree to which participants associated aging with positive or negative words.  Imagined conversations with elderly individuals were sufficient to foster positive attitudes towards this social category.  Similar findings were observed in the second study, except Muslim individuals, rather than elderly people, represented the target of interest.

 

Turner and Crisp (2010) discussed the mechanisms that could underpin the benefits of these imagined interactions.  Specifically, mental imagery can elicit the same emotional and motivational responses, but often to a lesser extent, as actual events (e.g., Dadds, Bovbjerg, Redd, & Cutmore, 1997).  Indeed, the neurological mechanisms that underpin the responses to imagined and actual events overlap considerably (Kosslyn, Ganis, & Thompson, 2001). 

 

As Husnu and Crisp (2010) showed, if individuals elaborate these images, this imagined contact effect is amplified.  For example, in one study, 60 British students, none of whom were Muslim, were asked to specify the number of British Muslim people they know. Next, some participants were asked to imagine a conversation with a Muslim stranger.  They were asked to imagine discovering some interesting facts about this person.  In addition, some of these participants were also encouraged to elaborate these images, by envisioning the precise time and place they might interact with this person.  Furthermore, participants completed some questions that assess whether the images were vivid, whether they perceive Muslims favorably or unfavorably, and whether they expect to enjoy interacting with Muslims in the future.  Finally, the questions assessed the extent to which these participants intend to interact with British Muslims in the future.

 

If the images were elaborated, participants were more likely to intend interacting with British Muslims in the future.  This association was partly mediated by the extent to which the image was vivid as well as whether participants evaluated Muslims favorably or unfavorably (Husnu & Crisp, 2010). 

 

In a subsequent study, one day later, participants were also asked to attempt to retrieve the image they had formulated.  The extent to which this image was easy to recall was also assessed.  This study showed the relationship between elaborated images and intentions to interact with British Muslims in the future was, at least partly, mediated by the capacity to retrieve these images.  Presumably, images that are elaborated can be retrieved more fluently, and this fluency positively biases their evaluations of these plans.

 

Extensions to the intergroup contact hypothesis: the valence of images

West, Holmes, and Hewstone (2011) uncovered an important complication of imagined intergroup contact.  Specifically, if individuals imagine intergroup contact with a threatening or challenging group, such as patients with schizophrenia, prejudices are sometimes heightened.  These images may actually magnify pre-existing negative associations.  However, if individuals deliberately integrate positive features into these images, prejudice diminishes. 

 

For example, in one study, some participants were asked to imagine, for five minutes, an interaction with a person diagnosed with schizophrenia.  In the control group, participants merely reflected upon people with schizophrenia in general rather than a specific interaction.  Next, they were asked to indicate the level of anxiety they predict they would feel if they interacted with a person diagnosed with schizophrenia.  Finally, the extent to which the participants had formed positive attitudes towards schizophrenia was assessed.  That is, these individuals were asked to indicate the degree to which they perceive anyone with this disorder as pleasant, friendly, negative, difficult, natural, or superficial, for example. 

 

Interestingly, if participants had imagined an interaction with a person diagnosed with schizophrenia, they were likely to feel they would be anxious during these interactions.  Their attitudes towards schizophrenia remained unchanged.  As a subsequent study showed, this effect persisted even after participants had received positive information about people with schizophrenia, such as vignettes about famous but likeable people with this disorder. 

 

Nevertheless, a third study showed that positive images of future contact did evoke some positive responses.  In this study, some participants imagined an interaction with a specific, pleasant, and successful person who had been diagnosed with schizophrenia.  Other people imagined a similar interaction with a person who had not been diagnosed with schizophrenia.  After individuals imagined a positive interaction with a person who had been diagnosed with schizophrenia, their attitudes towards this disorder became more favorable.  They also did not predict they will feel anxious if they interact with people diagnosed with schizophrenia.   

 

Extensions to the intergroup contact hypothesis: images of fear and then positive experiences

Birtel and Crisp (2012) argued that prejudice does not always subside after people imagine a positive experience with another ethnicity, unless a vital amendment is included: these individuals should first imagine a fearful encounter.  Specifically, consistent with bio-informational theory, individuals often associate other ethnicities with fear, and this fear is associated with a network of responses such as avoidance.  To override this avoidance, two conditions are necessary.  First, these schemas or networks of fear need to be activated.  Second, once activated, positive experiences need to be primed.  Consequently, these networks of fear become associated with positive experiences instead.  This premise is aligned to the concepts of exposure therapy or systematic desensitization. 

 

Birtel and Crisp (2012) conducted several studies that confirm this possibility. In their first study, some participants were asked to imagine two positive interactions with a person diagnosed with schizophrenia.  Other participants imagined one negative interaction and then one positive interaction.  Next, all participants were asked to indicate the extent to which they would experience various emotions while interacting with someone diagnosed with schizophrenia.  Relative to the people who imagined two positive interactions, people who imagined one negative interaction and then one positive interaction tended to report less anxiety.   

 

A subsequent study showed the same pattern of observations is extended to other stigmatized communities, such as people who belong to another religion.  Furthermore, rather than diminish anxiety, a negative and then positive image also increased the willingness of people to interact with these stigmatized individuals. 

 

Extensions to the intergroup contact hypothesis: Transfer to other groups

Tausch, Hewstone, Kenworthy, Psaltis, Schmid, Popan, Cairns, and Hughes (2010) showed that contact with one community can, in some circumstances, curb prejudice to communities as well.  In particular, after contact with one community, individuals form positive attitudes with this collective.  These positive attitudes then bias the formation of attitudes towards other communities as well, called attitude generalization.  

 

Tausch, Hewstone, Kenworthy, Psaltis, Schmid, Popan, Cairns, and Hughes (2010) conducted a series of studies to verify these arguments.  One study showed that Cypriot Greeks who had often, rather than never, interacted with Cypriot Turks not only formed more positive attitudes towards these Cypriot Turks but also formed more positive attitudes towards residents of Turkey.  Cypriot Turks also showed the same pattern of observations in their attitudes towards Cypriot and mainland Greeks.  This tendency of intergroup contact to diminish prejudices towards a range of communities is called secondary transfer effects (Boin et al., 2021) 

 

The second study resolved some of the limitations of the first study.  This study showed that Irish Protestants who often, rather than never, interacted with Irish Catholics not only formed more positive attitudes towards this constituency but also formed more positive attitudes towards distinct minorities, such as individuals who are Asian or African (Tausch et al., 2010).   To measure contact, the extent to which participants had chatted to people from the other community and visited these people in their homes was assessed.  To measure attitudes, participants were asked to specify the extent to which they felt cold or warm towards members of these communities, on a scale from 0 to 100 degrees.

 

Several limitations were resolved as well. In this study, contact with individuals who are Asian or African was measured and controlled statistically.   A third study confirmed these findings, even after controlling social desirability biases (Tausch et al., 2010).

 

Indeed, these secondary transfer effects have been observed in many circumstances (for a review, see Vezzali et al., 2021).  In one study, favorable contacts with immigrants also enhanced the attitudes of participants towards members of both the gay community and Jewish community (Schmid et al., 2012).  Indeed, even after people merely imagine a rewarding interaction with members of one community, their attitudes towards minority communities in general can improve (Visintin et al., 2017).

 

Theories that explain the benefits of intergroup contact

Studies have also been conducted to understand the mechanisms that underpin the benefits of contact. Turner, Hewstone, Voci, and Vonofakou (2008), for example, uncovered four accounts that could explain the benefits of extended or vicarious contact.

 

First, Turner, Hewstone, Voci, and Vonofakou (2008) found the relationship between extended contact—that is, the perception that friends interact with a minority—and attitude to that minority was partly mediated by intergroup anxiety. In their study, the participants were White British students. Intergroup anxiety was measured with questions like "Please think of how...(awkward or self conscious)...how you would feel (if you) mixed socially with complete strangers who are Asians". 

 

Intergroup anxiety was lower in individuals whose friends know Asian individuals.  Consequently, during future exchanges with anyone from these ethnicities, these individuals are more relaxed and thus more inclined to direct their attention towards favorable facets of the interaction (cf. Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe, & Ropp, 1997).

 

Second, Turner, Hewstone, Voci, and Vonofakou (2008) found the relationship between extended contact with a minority and attitude to that minority was partly mediated by perceived ingroup norms.  That is, if the friends of participants interact with some community, these participants assume that such behavior is typical, shaping their own attitudes. Specifically, in this study, White, British individuals whose friends spoke to Asians were more likely to "think (their) White friends are (friendly) to Asian people". 

 

Third, Turner, Hewstone, Voci, and Vonofakou (2008) found the relationship between extended contact with a minority and attitude to that minority was partly mediated by perceived outgroup norms.  In particular, if the friends of participants interact with some constituency, these participants assume these ethnicities must also be willing to interact with their ethnicity or race.  That is, they endorsed items such as "...Asian people like White people (a lot)"

Finally, Turner, Hewstone, Voci, and Vonofakou (2008) found the relationship between extended contact with a minority and attitude to that minority was partly mediated by the degree to which the outgroup is assumed to overlap with the self.  If the friends of participants interact with some constituency, these participants perceive this ethnicity as connected, not segregated, from their conceptualization of themselves. 

 

Some of these mental states—intergroup anxiety, positive ingroup norms, and positive outgroup norms—may not mediate the relationship between direct contact with some minority and attitudes towards that minority.   Further evidence is warranted to establish whether the same mediators apply to direct, rather than vicarious, contact.  Nevertheless, some evidence has been collected.  Islam and Hewstone (1993), for example, showed that intergroup anxiety mediated the relationship between direct contact and attitudes to outgroups. 

 

Other mental states may also underpin the benefits of intergroup contact.  To illustrate, after people interact with members of other communities, they are more inclined to empathize with these individuals.  They appreciate and understand the perspectives, concerns, problems, experiences, and emotions of these communities (e.g., Fuochi et al., 2020; Husnu, S. & Crisp, 2015)

 

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White Structure

Introduction

In 2015, the United Nations stipulated 17 goals that all nations should pursue and achieve within 15 years, called the Sustainable Development Goals.  According to the fourth of these goals, nations should provide learning opportunities and quality education to all sectors of the community.  However, although the proportion of the population who have enrolled in tertiary education has increased dramatically in the last few decades—about 10% in 1970 and 40% in 2017, for example—blatant inequities persist.   Wealthier individuals are appreciably more likely to enroll in tertiary education and significantly more likely to complete their courses (Salmi 2020)

 

To illustrate this disparity, in some nations, such as Panama and Columbia, over 60% of the wealthiest 20% of the population have enrolled in education after high school.  Yet, in these same nations, less than 10% of the poorest 20% of the population have enrolled in education after high school.

 

To some extent, this disparity can be ascribed to the costs of tuition.  However, even in Brazil, in which the tertiary education in private universities is free, the wealthiest 20% of the population are nine times more likely than are the poorest 20% of the population to have enrolled in education after high school. 

 

Introduction: Definition of equity groups

Many nations and institutions have introduced policies and initiatives to attract individuals who are often excluded from tertiary education, sometimes called equity groups.  Typically, equity groups include

 

  • individuals who earn a limited income and have accrued limited wealth

  • ethnic, linguistic, cultural or religious minorities

  • individuals who experience a disability

 

Yet, in some nations, equity groups might also include, for instance

 

  • individuals whose family had not studied before, called first-generation students

  • LGBTQIA individuals

  • children of military families or invalid veterans

  • refugees or individuals who have been displaced because of war or disaster

  • individuals with special care responsibilities, such as single mothers, and

  • victims of abuse or violence.

 

Strategies that promote inclusive access: Overview

Many strategies have been adopted and initiatives have been implemented to boost enrolment, and occasionally the completion rate, of equity groups in tertiary education.  Herbaut and Geven (2019) conducted a meta-analysis, exploring 71 experimental or quasi-experimental studies that have examined the effects of these strategies and initiatives.  

 

This meta-analysis uncovered some key insights. First, outreach programs—designed to raise the aspirations of high school students and help these students enroll in tertiary education—are sometimes effective.  Specifically, outreach programs that include some individuals guidance or assistance tend to improve access to equity groups.  However, when students are merely exposed to generic, rather than personalized, information about tertiary education, access to equity groups does not improve significantly.  Outreach programs that are complemented with some financial aid, such as a loan, grant, or tuition waiver, are particularly effective. 

 

Outreach programs: Overview

As Herbaut and Geven (2019) revealed, many institutions have introduced outreach programs to support equity groups.  These programs can be divided into three clusters

 

  • short interventions, such as a presentation to high school students, usually designed to convey information about financial aid, the benefits of tertiary education, and the application procedure

  • interventions that combine this communication of information with tutors who meet individually with students to help these individuals apply and overcome any barriers

  • interventions in which, in addition to the communication of information and assistance to apply, tutors help students academically, enabling individuals towards the end of secondary education boost their marks and study skills

 

In general, as the meta-analysis that Herbaut and Geven (2019) conducted revealed, the interventions that revolve around the provision of information—but no individualized assistance from a tutor—only improve access to equity group only negligibly if at all.  Indeed, seven of the eight studies that have examined the benefits of these interventions all revealed the impact was not significant.  In general, this communication of information did not enhance access regardless of

 

  • whether the information revolved around financial aid (e.g., Bettinger et al., 2012; Bird et al., 2017), the benefits of tertiary education, or other topics

  • whether the study was conducted in the US (Rosinger, 2016), Finland (Kerr et al., 2014), Colombia (Bonilla et al., 2017), Chile (Hastings et al., 2015), and Italy (Abbiati et al., 2017)

  • whether the sessions were short or prolonged, such as spread over three meetings (e.g., Abbiati et al., 2017)

 

In contrast, interventions that also entail some individualized assistance from a tutor tended to improve access to equity group.  That is, many of the 17 studies that have examined the benefits of these interventions showed this assistance was helpful to a modest, moderate, or large extent.  Some interventions were especially beneficial, enhancing the percentage of equity group members who access tertiary education by around 10%, if

 

  • the intervention was extensive, approaching about 40 hours of activities and discussions over three years (Ford et al., 2012)

  • individualized guidance was delivered to both the students and the parents (Ford et al., 2012)

 

Other helpful features of these outreach programs included

 

  • a classroom dedicated to college applications and an outreach program that peers coordinate (Cunha et al., 2018)

  • individualized guidance during the summer break only (Castleman et al., 2012, 2014, 2015)

  • automated procedures, such as bots, that accompany the application procedure (Bettinger et al., 2012)

  • personalized text messages to remind students of how to enroll (Castleman & Page, 2015, 2017)

 

Although personalized assistance on how to enroll and address other administrative barriers was beneficial, academic tutoring was not as useful.  The main problem was that members of equity groups often did not attend enough of these sessions over an extended time (Myers et al., 2004)

 

Although outreach programs often increase access and enrolment of equity groups, few studies have explored whether these approaches also improve completion rates.  And none of these studies have revealed a significant benefit of outreach programs on completion rates—although Bettinger et al. (2012) revealed that one outreach program enhanced the likelihood that students would persist to the second year.   

 

Financial support: Overview

Financial support could also encourage more individuals from equity groups to enroll.  Some interest groups and commentators, however, believe that tertiary education should be free to all students and not only equity groups. In practice, however, the governments of few nations—besides the Nordic countries, Singapore, and some Gulf nations—can afford to underwrite tertiary education.  

 

When other nations attempt free tuition, especially impoverished countries, access to equity groups does not improve and can actually deteriorate.  In these nations, even when fees are waived, members of poor communities may need to work.  Yet, because the government has directed funds to tertiary education, fewer other services are available to assist these poor communities.  So, in essence, poor individuals subsidize the wealthy (see also Guerra Botello et al. 2019)

 

Rather than waive fees, nations and institutions can direct financial support to equity groups only.  This approach tends to override some of the limitations of free tertiary education. To illustrate, in nations, like New Zealand, Australia, and Canada, in which students who earn a low income receive special financial provisions—such as loans they do not need to pay until their income exceeds a threshold—access to equity groups is better than in nations that waive fees altogether. 

 

From a moral perspective, many people feel that both students and the government should pay.  That is, because students are likely to significantly increase their earning potential in the future, these individuals should pay some of the fees.  Yet, because education enhances the living standards of the state or nation—by, for example, diminishing crime and attracting investment—the government should also pay some of the fees.    

 

In recent decades, however, the students have paid an increasingly higher percentage of the fees, except in nations that have trialed free education (OECD, 2018).  This shift disproportionately hinders enrolment in equity groups.  To offset this problem, governments and institutions have attempted to direct their financial support to these equity groups.  One survey of 71 nations revealed five main strategies these governments or institutions can adopt to fulfill this goal (Salmi, 2018).  Specifically, nations can

 

  • subsidize all the fees to students who belong to equity groups—such as the Targeted Free Tuition schemes in Chile, Japan, Ireland, Italy, and South Africa (Usher & Burroughs 2018)—or subsidize part of the fees

  • arrange income-contingent loans—loans that students do not need to pay until their income exceeds a threshold, epitomized by the HECS scheme in Australia

  • direct more scholarships or grants to members of equity groups

  • impose regulations around the maximum fees that either all students or students in equity groups can incur

  • offer universities incentives if they enroll more students from equity groups—such as South African, in which universities that enroll a higher percentage of Black students receive more resources

 

Variations of financial support: Income-contingent loans

To financially support equity groups, some nations have introduced loans that students do not need to pay until their income exceeds a threshold, sometimes called income-contingent loans or, more broadly, post-hoc subsidization (Usher & Burroughs, 2018).  The essence of this approach is that

 

  • students do not need to pay a fee before they complete their course

  • students only need to repay this loan after they benefit from this course and earn a certain income

 

The main benefit of income-contingent loans over some alternatives is that net fees—that is, the fee the student will pay—depends on the degree to which students benefit from the course (Usher & Burroughs, 2018).  For example

 

  • if students cannot secure a lucrative job, they do not have to repay their fees—and may never pay the total amount

  • in Australia—a pioneer of this approach—if students enroll in a course that tends to attract a high salary, such as law and medicine, their fees tend to be higher and they tend to pay more overall

 

The main drawback of income-contingent loans, according to Usher and Burroughs (2018), is the overall price that students will ultimately pay is hard to estimate.  A combination of high fees, and thus a high debt, as well as uncertainty about the size of this debt over time, elicits significant concern in many students and their families.  These emotions sometimes deter the pursuit of tertiary education.      

 

The precise benefits and costs of these income-contingent loans might depend on how these schemes are designed.  The design tends to vary across nations.  For example, in Australia 2020

 

  • students do not have to pay the loan until their income exceeds about AU$ 56 000

  • once their income exceeds this AU$56 000, 4% of their income each year is withdrawn to pay this loan; this 4% is called the repayment rate

  • however, if their income is higher than AU$63 000, this percentage rises to 4.5% rather than 4%

  • indeed, once their income exceeds AU$104 000, this percentage rises to 8%--the highest they need to pay

  • the loan also increases over time; in particular, the interest rate equals the consumer price index or inflation. 

 

In New Zealand, the scheme is similar, except

 

  • students do not need to pay the loan until their income exceeds NZ$ 19 448

  • once their income exceeds this threshold, a higher percentage—12%—of their income each year is withdrawn to pay this loan; that is, the repayment rate is higher in New Zealand than in Australia

  • this loan, however, does not incur any interest.

 

In the UK, the scheme is also similar, besides slight differences in the threshold and percentage of income that is withdrawn to the pay the loan.  Furthermore, debts that have not been paid within 30 years are forgiven.  In the US, about 25% of students are granted similar income-contingent loans (for information on the effects of shifting these parameters on the amounts that governments and students ultimately pay, see the mathematical modeling conducted by Britton et al., 2019).   

 

Variations of financial support: Pre-hoc subsidization

In many nations, students in specific equity groups are charged no fees or reduced fees even before they enroll—an approach that Usher and Burroughs (2018) called pre-hoc subsidization.  Pre-hoc subsidization can be divided into three clusters of initiatives.  First, students who belong to equity groups can apply to receive a grant or scholarship that offsets their fees.  This approach, although common, can be unsettling to students.  The application procedure may be cumbersome.  More disconcertingly, the decisions around who will receive this grant or scholarship tend to be opaque and thus unpredictable. Therefore, students can seldom predict whether they will receive this grant or scholarship, eliciting uncertainty.    

 

Second, in some parts of the US and Canada in particular, all individuals who fulfill some criterion—such as an income below some threshold—are informed they will receive a partial or full subsidy.  This approach is called the indirect model of targeted free tuition. For example,

 

  • if household income is between 0 and $50 000, they will receive a 100% subsidy and not have to pay fees

  • if household income is between $50 000 and $75 000, they will receive a 75% subsidy

  • if household income is between $75 000 and $100 000, they will receive a 50% subsidy

 

This example, although fictional, illustrates two benefits of this approach.  Specifically

 

  • the grant or subsidy is graded; in some other approaches, students who earn only a few dollars more than some threshold receive no subsidy and, therefore, this slight increase in income dramatically increases this cost of their degree

  • in contrast to income-contingent loans, before students enroll, they know, with precision, the fee they will need to pay

 

One possible drawback of this approach, however, revolves around the intricacy of this scheme.  That is, to adopt this approach, some agency or body needs to verify the income, to calculate the fees, and to distribute the grants or subsidies.  To simplify the approach, some nations have instead adopted a third approach to pre-hoc subsidization.  The approach, first developed in Chile, called the direct model of targeted free tuition (Usher & Burroughs, 2018), is to waive the fees of equity groups rather than to offset these fees with grants or subsidies.  Relative to the indirect model of targeted free tuition, this direct model of targeted free tuition

 

  • is simpler to apply

  • but, partly because of this simplicity, does not enable graded subsidies; if people do not belong to an equity group—because their income exceeds a threshold by a few dollars, for example—they generally need to pay the full fee. 

 

Because the indirect variant is simple and largely effective, South Africa and Italy have adopted this approach and the Netherlands, Spain, Israel, and South Korea were exploring this possibility around 2020.   

 

Typically, when nations apply the direct model of targeted free tuition, they tend to waive fees when the income of students or household is below a specific threshold.  One complication, however, is that income can be hard to verify, especially in developing nations.  In these circumstances, schemes may apply other criteria to determine who should receive these waivers.  For example, as Usher and Burroughs (2018) suggested, in some African nations, perhaps all students who had studied in the public state schools could perhaps receive this fee waiver.

 

Variations of financial support: Grants that depend on need versus merit

Besides the direct model of targeted free tuition, pre-hoc subsidization tends to revolve around grants or financial aid.  Usually, these grants are directed to students who need financial support, sometimes called need-based aid.  Occasionally, however, these grants are directed to students who demonstrate great academic potential called merit-based grants.

 

In principle, needs-based aid should be more likely than merit-based grants to enhance access of equity groups.  Yet, studies indicate that need-based aid, although sometimes beneficial to the access of equity groups, is not always helpful.  For example, as Herbaut and Geven (2019) revealed in their meta-analysis, only a third of studies that have explored the benefits of needs-based aid generated significant effects of these grants on enrolment of equity groups.  This meta-analysis showed that needs-based aid is more likely to increase the enrolment of equity groups when

 

  • the usual aid is supplemented with an additional grant of $1000 or so (e.g., Bettinger, 2015; Richburg-Hayes et al., 2015), suggesting that grants the slightly exceed the costs of tuition are effective (see also Dynarski, 2003)

  • students need to complete a minimum number of classes or courses to receive the grant (e.g., Richburg-Hayes et al., 2015)

  • small grants are also bestowed to high school students, a year or two before they graduate—provided they save money during this time and use this money only to assist their education (Azzolini et al., 2018).

 

In contrast, merit-based grants will tend to diminish, or at least not improve, the enrolment of equity groups (e.g., Dynarski, 2000; Sjoquist & Winters, 2015; but see Cohodes & Goodman, 2014), primarily because members of these groups often do not perform as well academically.  Hence, funds that would usually be directed to equity groups instead support more privileged students.  However, merit-based grants that are restricted to equity groups can benefit more disadvantaged students (e.g., Vergolini et al., 2014)

 

Variations of financial support: Grants that depends on need and academic requirements

Spain has also introduced a scheme in which students, whose parents receive a limited income, receive a grant to study.  However, since 2013, students continue to receive this grant each year only if their GPA exceeds a minimum level: 6 out of 10 If the student is enrolled in STEM or 6.5 out of 10 if the student is enrolled outside STEM. 

 

In particular, the grant that students receive depends on both the taxable income of their parents and the number of members in their household.  Whenever the taxable income of parents is low—such as about $10 000 Euro or higher if the household is large—the grant is especially generous.  Students do not have to pay fees and also receive a living allowance of up to about 6000 Euros a year if they live away from home and up to about 5000 Euros a year if they live at home. 

 

Between 2010 and 2012, students would continue to receive this grant each year, provided they had completed at least 60% of their classes if enrolled in STEM or completed at least 80% of their classes if enrolled outside STEM.  Since 2013, however, this criterion was steeper: students also needed to maintain a higher GPA to maintain the grant. 

 

As Montalbán (2023) revealed, this steeper academic requirement increased the performance of students.  Indeed, as this analysis showed, grants tended to increase the GPA and percentage of classes passed by about 7% to 8%--but only when the academic requirements were steep.  These findings reveal that steeper academic requirements did tend to motivate students and increase accountability.    

​

Variations of financial support: Tax incentives

Some US states have introduced various tax incentives to motivate enrolment.  However, these tax incentives do not tend to increase the enrolment of equity groups (Bulman & Hoxby, 2015; LaLumia, 2012).  Despite these tax incentives, students must still pay the fees in advance—and many students cannot access these fees.  In addition, tax incentives only benefit the finances of individuals in the future, and students may be more concerned about their more immediate needs when deciding whether to enroll. 

 

Case studies of effective programs

According to Herbaut and Geven (2019), the most effective programs blend outreach and financial support.  One of the most successful examples is the Pathways to Education program in Canada.

 

This program can be traced to 1999.  At this time, 56% of students in Regent Park Community, Toronto, did not complete high school.  In response to these alarming figures, the Executive Director of the Community Health Centre, Carolyn Acker, in concert with community advocates, rallied to uncover a solution. In 2001, they launched Pathways to Education—a program that is designed to support the students academically, financially, and socially to overcome the barriers to high school completion.  Within five years, the rate of withdrawal had decreased by 70%. 

 

Because of this success, in 2005, the program was extended to 27 communities across the nation in which incomes are low, called Pathways to Education Canada. Students who live in these communities receive a range of provisions.  For example

 

  • from ninth grade, students can receive individualized counselling or advice on how to graduate and pursue further studies

  • during these sessions, the students receive a plan that is tailored to their needs and goals

  • students can receive evening tutoring at no cost and can participate in group mentoring activities

  • students can speak to a specialist who works in the field they want to pursue and can receive advice that is relevant to their career interests

  • to motivate participation, students receive financial support, of $1000 for every year they participate, but these funds must be directed to educational costs after high school

 

The outcomes of this program have been very promising (Oreopoulos et al., 2014).  To illustrate

 

  • the percentage of students who graduated from high school in these communities increased by 44% between 2005 and 2014

  • 74% of these students have pursued education after high school

  • the program was estimated to diminish reliance on social welfare by about 33%

  • nevertheless, the benefits of this program were more pronounced in the first site in which the approach was applied relative to subsequent sites

 

References

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  • Azzolini, D., Martini, A., Romano, B., & Vergolini, L. (2018). Affording college with the help of asset building: First experimental impacts from Italy. Economics Letters, 169, 27-30.

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  • Bird, K. A., Castleman, B. L., Goodman, J., & Lamberton, C. (2017). Nudging at a national scale: Experimental evidence from a FAFSA completion campaign. Nat. Bur. Econ. Res., Cambridge, MA, USA, Working Paper, 26158.

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  • Bulman, G. B., & Hoxby, C. M. (2015). The returns to the federal tax credits for higher education. Tax Policy and Economy, 29(1), 13-88.

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  • Castleman, B. L., Owen, L., & Page, L. C. (2015). Stay late or start early? Experimental evidence on the benefits of college matriculation support from high schools versus colleges. Economics of Education Review, 47, 168-179.

  • Castleman, B. L., & Page, L. C. (2015). Summer nudging: Can personalized text messages and peer mentor outreach increase college going among low-income high school graduates?. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 115, 144-160.

  • Castleman, B. L., & Page, L. C. (2016). Freshman year financial aid nudges: An experiment to increase FAFSA renewal and college persistence. Journal of Human Resources, 51(2), 389-415.

  • Castleman, B. L., & Page, L. C. (2017). Parental influences on postsecondary decision making: Evidence from a text messaging experiment. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 39(2), 361-377.

  • Castleman, B. L., Page, L. C., & Schooley, K. (2014). The forgotten summer: Does the offer of college counseling after high school mitigate summer melt among college‐intending, low‐income high school graduates? Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 33(2), 320-344.

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  • Richburg-Hayes, L., Patel, R., Brock, T., de la Campa, E., Rudd, T., & Valenzuela, I. (2015). Providing more cash for college: Interim findings from the performance-based scholarship demonstration in California. New York: MDRC.

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White Structure

Credit mobility students

​by Simon Moss

Introduction

Many students study overseas.  They might complete an entire degree overseas, sometimes called degree mobility.  Alternatively, they might study a short course overseas.  Finally, student might study a subset, such as one unit, of a degree overseas.

 

Many universities and tertiary education institutions encourage their students to study one or more units of a degree in overseas institutions.  In addition, these institutions might invite students, enrolled overseas, to study one or more units at their organization.  Collectively, these arrangements, sometimes called credit mobility, enhance the prestige (Green, 2012; Wildavsky, 2010) and ranking (Hazelkorn, 2011) of universities as well as exposure to diverse perspectives.  Furthermore, credit mobility enhances the degree to which nations are competitive and maintain a skilled labor market (Institute of International Education, 2011).

 

Motivations to study abroad to earn credit

Students may choose to study abroad to earn credit because of many reasons.  For example, students might want to interact with other cultures, to extend their breadth of experiences, or to visit more advanced institutions. Aresi et al. (2018) developed a measure, comprising 27 items, to assess the motivations of students to study abroad.   When subjected to factor analyses, the instrument generates nine factors, each corresponding to a distinct motivation.  Specifically, students may study abroad to

 

  • facilitate personal growth (e.g. ”to learn more about myself”)

  • develop strong academic knowledge (e.g.,”to experience a higher academic level”)

  • fulfill the expectations of other people (e.g.,”to please my parents”)

  • learn or improve skills in a foreign language (e.g.,”because the host language is useful”)

  • explore interests in another culture (e.g.,”to learn about other cultures”)

  • experience change and to escape problems or boredom at home (e.g.,”to take a break from usual life”)

  • improve career prospects (e.g.,”to expand my career opportunities”)

  • experience independence (e.g.,”to find greater freedom”)

  • experience pleasure and leisure (e.g.,”to have an exciting experience”)

 

The instrument was validated in several languages, including Dutch, French, German, Spanish, and Italian.  The instrument was also validated in English, regardless of whether the participants were native English speakers.  In each instance, except Dutch, confirmation factor analyses showed that CFI exceeds .90.

 

The various motivations tend to be divided into two clusters: push factors and pull factors.   Push factors refer to impediments in the nation that inspire students to study abroad.  Pull factors refer to benefits or advantages within the host nation (e.g., Mazzarol & Soutar, 2002).

​

Benefits to study abroad to earn credit: Student achievement and careers

Commentators have expressed conflicting opinions on whether students who study abroad to earn credit benefit academically from the experience.  Conceivably, this experience could inspire students to contemplate their academic interests, to clarify their aspirations, to orient their attention around their studies, and to engage students.  Alternatively, this experience could distract students from their studies.

 

To resolve this dispute, Bhatt et al. (2022) conducted a comprehensive study, comprising over 30 000 students who had studied abroad.  They applied statistical techniques, such as nearest-neighbor matching, to control a range of variables, such as academic ability. The study revealed that, compared to students who had not studied abroad, students who had studied abroad as part of their course were more likely to complete on time.  This study attests to the benefits of these overseas experiences.  

​

In addition, students who study abroad feel more prepared to embark on a career.  For example, in one study, Australian students who participated in learning programs overseas, even programs that last only six weeks, felt more confident about their careers.  Indeed, students who participated in multiple learning programs overseas were even more likely than students who participated in only one of these programs to experience this confidence.  That is, students who participated in multiple learning programs overseas felt more confident about their capacity to solve problems, to adapt and learn efficiently, to pursue entrepreneurial opportunities, to think critically and creatively, and to reach suitable decisions (Potts, 2022). 

​

Benefits to study abroad to earn credit: Soft power

Many governments have introduced schemes or strategies that increase the capacity of students in their nation to study abroad, often to earn credit.  One of the main objectives revolves around soft power: the capacity of nations to promote their values, culture, ideas, and capabilities to other countries as well as to learn about other countries. 

 

Hong (2022), for example, revealed how the New Columbo Plan attracts soft power to Australia.  The original Colombo Plan, established in 1950, was initially an agreement between seven Commonwealth Nations that has expanded to 27 nations to facilitate social and economic development. For example, students from more impoverished nations received scholarships to study in Australia. 

 

In contrast, the New Colombo Plan, established in 2014, was designed to facilitate the exchange of knowledge and students between the Indo-Pacific and Australia.  To illustrate, the Mobility Program funds Australian universities that enable their undergraduate students to engage in study, internships, mentorships, placements, study tours, or research in the Indo-Pacific region.  The Scholarship Program funds particular students who successfully apply to study in this region. 

 

Hong (2022) analyzed all the evaluations of this New Colombo Plan that were conducted by the Australian Government, to explore how this plan fosters soft power. As the results shows

 

  • over 60% of host nations strongly agreed the program enhanced relationships between these countries and Australia

  • universities have introduced programs to identify suitable candidates, improving the reputation of these institutions overseas and thus improving the reputation of Australian skills

  • many of the students developed reasonably language skills in these nations —both from daily interactions and formal training, enhancing the degree to which they are accepted by these cultures

  • around 90% of the students felt they had developed an insight into the culture, improving their capacity to interact in a work setting with these nations

 

Impediments to study abroad to earn credit

Students are sometimes, if not often, reluctant to study abroad because of various obstacles and impediments.  Souto-Otero et al. (2013), for example, explored some of these impediments.  Specifically, these researchers administered a survey to over 17 000 European university students, many of whom had considered or participated in Erasmus—a program in which students typically receive a grant to study abroad temporarily, usually lasting between 3 to 12 months.   The survey prompted the participants to indicate some barriers that might have or did impede participation in the Erasmus program.  Of the participants who had considered the program, but ultimately did not participate, the most common barriers, acknowledged by over 30% of these individuals were

 

  • concerns the grant is too low and hence financial pressure is likely

  • limited information about either the program or the education system abroad

  • concerns about language skills

  • family or work responsibilities at home

  • concerns about whether credit will be recognised. 

 

Even the participants who did choose the program acknowledged some barriers.  For instance, over 30% indicated

 

  • concerns about whether credit will be recognised or their studies overseas will integrate with their studies at home

  • student services abroad may be limited

  • concerns the grant is too low and hence financial pressure is likely

  • limited information about the education system abroad

 

Differences in motivations and complications between degree mobility and credit mobility

The motivations to study overseas, and the impediments to this study, may depend on whether students complete an entire course overseas, called degree mobility, or complete some credit overseas, called credit mobility.

 

Perez-Encinas et al. (2021), for example, explored this difference.  To examine this issue, the researchers applied a technique called Latent Dirichlet Allocation—a technique that explores which topics in texts or writing are the most prominent and, therefore, whether these topics differ across various groups of individuals. In this study, over 73 000 reviews from international students were subjected to Latent Dirichlet Allocation.

 

As this study revealed, students who only earn credit, not a degree, overseas write most of their comments about social life, academics, living expenses, especially accommodation, and buddy services.  Their attention tends to revolve around matters that can affect the capacity to embrace the culture.   

 

In contrast to this emphasis on social connections, students who earn a degree overseas are more concerned about academic matters and career prospects—although they still refer to living expenses and social life as well.  Neither subset of students often referred to concerns about language or events and activities in the city. 

 

Risks of credit mobility

Research has uncovered some of the risks that mount when students study abroad to earn credit.  For example, in a study that Aresi et al. (2016) published, Italian exchange students reported their drinking behavior—and the adverse consequences of this alcohol—before and after they studied abroad.  Students tend to drink more and experience more adverse consequences from alcohol after this time abroad.   As these findings indicate, while students study abroad, they might engage in more alcohol consumption, and this change in behavior may become habitual. 

 

Other variants of credit mobility

The notion of credit mobility is not always confined to circumstances in which students study overseas.  To illustrate, this term is sometimes used to refer to circumstances in which students want to transfer credit from a degree that is considered lower in rank than a Bachelor degree to a Bachelor degree. For example, in the US, students might want to transfer the units they completed in a College to a Bachelor degree (e.g., Hodara et al., 2017).

 

Research that explores the challenges of credit mobility within a state or nation may be relevant to challenges of credit mobility across nations.  Problems that unfold within nations may be even more pronounced across nations. 

 

To illustrate, Hodara et al. (2017) conducted a comprehensive study to explore some challenges that students experience when they attempt to attain credit in a Bachelor degree after completion of a community college degree or community college units.  The researchers analyzed policy documents and legislative statutes in 12 US states, interviewed officials employed in higher education, and interviewed students and staff at colleges in Tennessee, Texas, and Washington. 

 

All the states had introduced transfer policies that enable students to transfer from College to University, beyond specific agreements between institutions.  Specifically, all states enabled a transferable common core—a policy that enables students to transfer credit points that are not associated with specific disciplines between any tertiary education institutions in the state.  But only about half the states had introduced a common course-numbering scheme that clarifies which courses are transferable across the tertiary education institutions in the state.  Despite these policies, students experienced a range of complications:

 

  • In some fields, especially in STEM, health, or business, the course requirements may be specific; consequently, many of the common core units that students complete at College cannot be entirely transferred to these degrees.   

  • Indeed, if students had delayed their selection of a major, shifted their major during the course, or were not sure whether they want to transfer until later in the course, many of the credits they accumulated were not transferred to the degree program at university.  That is, they often chose credits that are not relevant to the degrees they wanted to complete later

  • in many states, an inadequate number of advisors are available to help students reach decisions about which courses to complete and how to transfer their credit.   Many of these advisors unwittingly impart erroneous information about credit transfer—partly because the course requirements of universities are sometimes inaccessible or outdated.  

 

The study also uncovered three approaches that institutions apply to determine credit transfer: 2 + 2, credit equivalence, and institution-driven.  When states adopt a 2 + 2 approach, policies stipulate the all the college courses or associate degrees that correspond to all Bachelor majors.  Consequently, when students complete two years at college, they enter university with an associate degree—and merely need to complete two more years in this major at any state university to receive the Bachelor degree. This approach is effective, but only if students choose their major early in college.

 

When states adopt a credit equivalence approach, they apply similar policies with one exception: Universities can specify which college courses can be transferred to earn credit towards a Bachelor.  That is, universities are granted more flexibility.  That is, course requirements may vary across universities.  Students who complete a specific major at college, such as business, may be able to transfer this credit to business majors in some, but not all, universities in the state. 

 

Finally, when states adopt an institution-driven approach, specific institutions construct agreements that stipulate which college courses can be transferred to Bachelor courses.  This approach enables flexibility but can be confusing to students and advisors. 

 

Regardless of the approach, Hodara et al. (2017) stipulate a range of recommendations that could overcome some of the challenges, diminishing the likelihood that credit is not transferred to the university degree.  In particular

 

  • institutions must develop a culture in which transfers are embraced and significant resources are invested to help students transfer credit, especially students from communities or backgrounds that are underrepresented in university degrees—sometimes called a transfer receptive culture.

  • counsellors who deliver advice about community college should develop expertise in transfer after college; that is, pathways to transfer should be identified as early as possible

 

References

  • Aresi, G., Alfieri, S., Lanz, M., Marta, E., & Moore, S. (2018). Development and validation of a multidimensional motivations to study abroad scale (MMSAS) among European credit mobility students. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 63, 128-134.

  • Aresi, G., Moore, S., & Marta, E. (2016). Italian credit mobility students significantly increase their alcohol intake, risky drinking and related consequences during the study abroad experience. Alcohol and alcoholism, 51(6), 723-726.

  • Bhatt, R., Bell, A., Rubin, D. L., Shiflet, C., & Hodges, L. (2022). Education Abroad and College Completion. Research in Higher Education, 1-28.

  • Bracht, O., Engel, C., Janson, K., Over, A., Schomburg, H., Teichler, U. (2006). The professional value of ERASMUS mobility. Kassel, Germany: International Centre for Higher Education Research, University of Kassel.

  • Chirkov, V., Vansteenkiste, M., Tao, R., & Lynch, M. (2007). The role of self-determined motivation and goals for study abroad in the adaptation of international students. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 31(2), 199–222

  • De Wit, H. (2008). Changing dynamics in international student circulation: Meanings, push and pull factors, trends, and data. In The dynamics of international student circulation in a global context (pp. 15-45). Brill.

  • Green, M. F. (2012). Measuring and assessing internationalization. Washington, DC: NAFSA, Association of International Educators.

  • Hazelkorn, E. (2011). Rankings and the reshaping of higher education: The battle for world-class excellence. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Hodara, M., Martinez-Wenzl, M., Stevens, D., & Mazzeo, C. (2017).  Exploring credit mobility and major-specific pathways: A policy analysis and student perspective on community college to university transfer. Community College Review, 45(4), 331–349.

  • ​Hong, M. (2022). Evaluating the soft power of outbound student mobility: an analysis of Australia's New Colombo Plan. Higher Education Research & Development, 41(3), 743-758.

  • Institute of International Educationxs. (2011). Open doors 2011: Report on international educational exchange. New York, NY: Author.

  • Kitsantas, A. (2004). Study abroad: the role of college students’ goals on the development of cross-cultural skills and global understanding. College Student Journal, 38(3), 441–452.

  • Maiworm, F., Teichler, U. (2002). The policies of higher education institutions. In Teichler, U. (Ed.), ERASMUS in the SOCRATES Program (pp. 57-82). Bonn, Germany: Lemmens

  • Mazzarol, T., & Soutar, G. N. (2002). Push-pull factors influencing international student destination choice. International Journal of Educational Management, 16(2), 82–90.

  • Nyaupane, G. P., Paris, C. M., & Teye, V. (2011). Study abroad motivations, destination selection and pre-trip attitude formation. International Journal of Tourism Research, 13(3), 205–217.

  • Perez-Encinas, A., Rodriguez-Pomeda, J., & de Wit, H. (2021). Factors influencing student mobility: a comparative European study. Studies in Higher Education, 46(12), 2528-2541.

  • Pope, J. A., Sánchez, C. M., Lehnert, K., & Schmid, A. S. (2014). Why do gen Y students study abroad? individual growth and the intent to study abroad. Journal of Teaching in International Business, 25(2), 97–118.

  • Potts, D. (2022). Employability development and career outcomes from short-term learning abroad programmes. Higher Education Research & Development, 41(4), 1215-1230.

  • Souto-Otero, M., Huisman, J., Beerkens, M., De Wit, H., & Vujić, S. (2013). Barriers to international student mobility: Evidence from the Erasmus program. Educational researcher, 42(2), 70-77.

  • Souto-Otero, M., McCoshan, A. (2006). Survey of the socio-economic background of ERASMUS students: Final report to the European Commission. Birmingham, UK: ECOTEC Research and Consulting.

  • Van Mol, C., & Timmerman, C. (2014). Should I stay or should I go? An analysis of the determinants of intra-European student mobility population. Space and Place, 20(5), 465–479.

  • Wiers-Jenssen, J. (2003). Norwegian students abroad: Experiences of students from a linguistically and geographically peripheral European country. Studies in Higher Education, 28(4), 391–411.

  • Wildavsky, B. (2010). The great brain race: How global universities are reshaping the world. Princeton, NJ: University of Princeton Press.

White Structure

Pre-departure support of students before they study abroad

by Simon Moss

Introduction: Range of services to assist international students

International students experience a range of challenges, such as feelings of isolation, doubts about their academic capability, and financial pressures.  Tertiary education institutions offer many services to address these challenges. Madden-Dent et al. (2019) explored the range of services that are available to assist international students at university.  In particular, the researchers examined the services that 200 American universities and colleges had arranged.  To garner these data, the researchers

 

  • scanned the relevant webpage of each institution to identify these services

  • telephoned the offices that support international students to confirm these findings

  • confirmed the findings in a subsequent email to the relevant director

 

The researchers explored which of the 48 support services, itemized in the International Student Supports Services Index, the various institutions offered.  The findings revealed that more than 50% of the institutions offer some of the 48 services, such as

 

  • online reading materials and a webpage dedicated to international students

  • cultural events and cultural activities

  • international student clubs

  • an office or space that is reserved to support international students

  • an orientation day or experience

  • availability of general housing

 

However, Madden-Dent et al. (2019) did uncover some limitations in these services.  For example, besides online reading materials, only a small percentage of universities organized support before departure.  To illustrate

 

  • fewer than 10% of institutions organized an online mentor or buddy system

  • only 12% of institutions organized any orientation online before departure

  • only 31% of institutions had organized an outreach or other services to parents

  • and only 26% of institutions organized targeted language services before departure.

 

International students would often arrive with limited knowledge about campus rules, personal safety practices, linguistic support services, and other resources to facilitate adjustment to the country and campus.  These findings indicate that pre-departure support of international students could perhaps be improved.  Pre-departure training and support is not only vital to international students but also to other students who plan to complete part of their course abroad (for a comprehensive review of these pre-departure programs, see Sandberg, 2022).    

 

Kironji et al. (2018) confirmed the benefits of pre-departure training in at least a particular cohort of students: medical and nursing schools who needed to participate in health experiences and training abroad. Over 1300 students completed a survey about whether they had received pre-departure training, the contents of this training, and the outcomes, such as how prepared they felt.  This study revealed that

 

  • the students felt more prepared if they had participated in pre-departure training on travel safety, personal health, clinical skills, cultural awareness, and leadership

  • the students enjoyed training that comprised a combination of lecture, discussion, and simulation. 

 

Case studies: Pre-departure activities before a cultural exchange

Some institutions organize few services to their international students before they arrive.  However, some of these institutions may offer pre-departure activities to their enrolled students before they participate in some cultural exchange program. Some of these activities could be adapted to also assist their international students before arrival.   

 

Chan et al. (2018) illustrates some pre-departure activities that were available to students before participating in a cultural exchange program. Specifically, this study explored the experiences of 56 nursing students, from around the globe, who needed to prepare before an international exchange program in Hong Kong.  To help these students prepare, they completed a series of activities online.  In particular,

 

  • the participants were granted opportunities, in online teams, to discuss their goals and expectations with individuals from the host nation as well

  • the participants received guidelines about how interact with people from other cultures and practiced these principles

  • the participants also discussed their past intercultural experiences and interactions they perceived as unexpected and informative

 

After these pre-departure activities, students were more inclined to initiate behaviors that facilitate intercultural exchange.  For example, they were more likely to modify their accent, tone, pace of speech, frequency of pauses, facial expressions, and gestures to accommodate the other culture.  They also felt more informed about the nonverbal behaviors, arts, values, religions, linguistic tendencies, legal systems, and economic systems of other cultures. 

 

Subsequent focus groups and discussion groups revealed that students greatly valued the opportunity to interact with students in the host nation online before their arrival.  Because of these discussions, the international students felt more familiar with peers and learned some practical details, such as how to locate accommodation and use public transport.

 

Potential pre-departure services: Recommending strategies to students

Before they depart, international students can also initiate a range of actions or strategies to prepare or equip themselves.  Therefore, perhaps one of the roles of tertiary education institutions is to inspire or to help these students initiate these actions.    

 

To ascertain the actions that students can initiate to prepare or equip themselves, López (2021) reported a case, revolving around Mexican postgraduate international students, enrolled in a prestigious UK university.  This case study explored the coping strategies that a portion of the students adopted before departure—and the strategies that other students, in retrospect, believe they should have attempted—to facilitate their transition to UK culture. 

 

The data were extracted from several sources.  First, 12 students completed a questionnaire before departing, designed to characterize their expectations and preparation.  A few weeks after their arrival, four students participated in interviews and ten students participated in a focus group to clarify whether their expectations were fulfilled and to ascertain the strategies they believe could have been helpful.

 

As the data revealed, some, but not all, participants demonstrated initiative and agency to facilitate their adaptation to the UK, whereas other participants merely followed the advice of their university.  The students who demonstrated initiative and deliberately attempted to address potential challenges

 

  • often watched British videos every day and read more British social media to address linguistic and cultural barriers

  • shifted their sleeping habits before they departed to accommodate changes in the time zone

  • prepared strategies on how they would respond to the different climate in Britain, especially the cold temperatures

  • contacted their flat mates before arrival to minimize the inevitable loneliness they might feel

  • sometimes dedicated more time to locate suitable accommodation

 

These students varied on whether they had traveled abroad before.  But all these students initiated practical activities rather than confined themselves to theoretical knowledge about the UK.   

 

In contrast, some other participants, especially students who had not travelled abroad before, had not initiated these actions before departure, assuming instead they will be able to address problems once they arrive.  Some of these students may have felt less stressed in response to challenges, but also may have experienced greater challenges because of this attitude.  Indeed, these students conceded they did not manage some of the logistical and social complications effectively.  The excitement of their impending travel distracted their attention from the challenges that might need to address.         

 

Similarly, Mohamed (2020) also revealed how the experiences or behaviors of students before departure may affect their progress and satisfaction with international study.  This study explored the perspectives of 25 international students, from 17 nations, who had enrolled in a Malaysian university.  These students participated in interviews, designed to uncover the challenges they experienced and the experiences or behaviors prior to departure that helped these individuals address the challenges. 

 

The students referred to a range of challenges. For example, many of these students only spoke English.  Although the course was delivered in English, these students could not always understand the accents and could not communicate readily with people in the public, complicating many daily tasks.  Some students could not eat the spicy food and would have liked more variety; some students did not like the tropical weather.

 

Interestingly, the capacity of students to manage these challenges depended on behaviors and experiences before departure.  For example, students who had travelled abroad before were more inclined to anticipate these challenges and to prepare mentally.  To illustrate, some students exposed themselves to Malaysian culture, such as documentaries, to facilitate this preparation.   

 

Taken together, these findings indicate that institutions should encourage the students to assume responsibility over their attempts to prepare.  These students should be inspired to immerse themselves in the culture and media of this other nation, contact potential housemates or peers, and prepare themselves mentally for a range of challenges.  

 

Limitations of pre-departure services: Limited standards

Some of the most useful pre-departure services originated from joint programs—programs in which students complete some of their course at home and some of their course abroad.  Because of this arrangement, tertiary education institutions are granted more opportunities to assist these students before they travel abroad.  Nevertheless, even these services are sometimes limited in their impact.  These limitations could inform other attempts to develop pre-departure services.   

 

To illustrate, Bai and Wang (2022) explored the pre-departure services that were available to students who were enrolled in a course, called a 2 + 2 joint program, in which they studied the first two years at home, in China, learning English and other foundational skills.  Then, these individuals studied the final two or so years in Australia.  Accordingly, the first two years of this course can be conceptualized, at least partly, as a pre-departure, helping students transition to another nation.  In this study, 26 of these students participated in interviews.  During the interviews, the students were prompted to discuss, in Chinese, their academic experience both at home and in Australia, the support they received, and the limitations of this support.

 

Although the students benefited from the two years of study in China, they suggested a range of possible improvements.  First, the international students felt they were not prepared or equipped to respond effectively to the some of the more challenging standards in Australia, such as the frequency and difficulty of exams and other assignments, the amount of content, the rules against plagiarism, and the expectation to write academically.  In China, students could often succeed merely by rote learning the material.  Seldom were students in China encouraged to apply the theories they learned to practical case studies. 

 

Instead, according to students, the Chinese students should have been exposed to Western teaching practices before they travelled to Australia.  For example, students should have been instructed to write short essays in English to practice academic writing.     

 

The content that business students learned in China did not always facilitate their understanding of advanced business content in Australia.  For example, they often learned business terms in Chinese only, but did not know the equivalent business terms in English.  Therefore, when they needed to learn more advanced content in Australia, they had to revert to basic textbooks to relearn the fundamental concepts in English first.

 

Data to inform pre-departure services: The challenges that students experience

To enhance the services that international students receive before they depart from their home country, tertiary education institutions need to appreciate the challenges these students experience at this time—as well as challenges they experience during the course that could be addresses before departure.  To collate these challenges, Khanal and Gaulee (2019) conducted a comprehensive literature review.  In particular, to extract this literature the researchers entered keywords such as “international students” and “challenges” into Google and Eric but limited the publication dates to the years between 2000 and 2018.  This procedure uncovered 79 research publications, including newspaper articles.  Many of the studies had surveyed international students who were either enrolled or had graduated previously.

  

The review uncovered many pre-departure challenges—that is, challenges that preceded the departure of students from their home nation to the host nation.  Many of these challenges varied across nations. 

 

For example, Chinese students were often uncertain about which university to choose.  Although they believed that a university that is highly ranked will benefit their career prospects in China, they also recognized these universities are more expensive.  This expense concerned the students because many parents were now questioning the value of degrees in distant counties since the emergence of strong Asian universities (Spinks & Wong, 2010). Consequently, these students had become increasingly reliant on recruitment agents, often engaged by foreign institutions, to decide which institution to choose.  In addition, Chinese students were concerned about their English proficiency and the different learning environments in some Western nations (Tang et al 2018) as well as the increased decline in visa approvals to Chinese students since 2017 (Kavilanz, 2018).  

 

Indian students also reported several challenges they experienced before they departed overseas.  One challenge revolved around vaccinations and health checks.  Students often needed to be vaccinated or immunized against relevant diseases, but doctors in India were not always certain about these requirements (Favin et al., 2012), and these vaccinations can also consume significant time.  Students also felt the need to organize comprehensive health checks because some health expenses are particularly expensive in the US and some other host nations. 

 

A second challenge that many Indian students reported concerned finances.  Many students had arranged private loans to fund their studies.  But because of fluctuations in the Indian currency, whether the returns warrant this investment was increasingly hard to calculate (Clark, 2013). 

 

Students from other nations also referred to challenges that are specific to their country.  For example, unlike Korean students, Japanese students tended to depend on agents to garner information about various courses and universities—but, because they are reluctant to ask direct, confronting questions, they are not always as informed about the alternatives as they would like.  African students often alluded to the problems they experience when they seek visas as well as the challenge of leaving their community (see Caldwell & Ssekasi, 2016). 

 

Presumably, tertiary education institutions can introduce a range of services and provisions to accommodate these pre-departure challenges.  For instance, before students depart, institutions can

 

  • disseminate preliminary online courses that, for example, impart skills on academic writing but also expose students to some of the standards and practices of teaching in the host nation;

  • disseminate more information on the opportunities that students will be able to explore after they complete their degree

  • disseminate more honest information on the relative merits of each course and institution

  • delineate the sequence of activities that students should complete before they depart, but customize this sequence to each region or nation

 

Nevertheless, before departure, institutions should not only attempt to address the challenges that students experience at this time but also attempt to address some of the challenges that students might experience after they arrive.  Consequently, institutions need to identify the prevailing challenges that international students experience after they arrive to the host nation and determine which of these challenges could be addressed before departure.   

 

In their comprehensive literature review, Khanal and Gaulee (2019) outlined many of these challenges.  For instance, in the United States, many students felt isolated, alienated, and unwelcome in their unfamiliar surroundings—or, occasionally, even victims of discrimination if citizens of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East (Lee, 2015).  In addition, when writing assignments, many students could not organize their arguments coherently, think critically, write grammatically, or avoid plagiarism.  If their English was not fluent, they often felt ashamed to speak—a key determinant of mental health problems while overseas (Chan, 2013).  Finally, international students, especially from Asian nations, were more accustomed to listening passively to a lecture and learning by rote rather than contributing to class discussions (Leder & Forgasz, 2007).

 

The challenges that international students experience in the UK is similar, with some differences, however.  For example, many international students, especially from Africa, had organized private loans to fund their studies—but were often concerned about whether they can pay these loans and thus experience financial pressure (Blake, 2006).  Other challenges, such as problems with understanding the readings, writing the assignments, and locating suitable food merely amplified concerns about the value of these loans.   

 

In Australia, international students experienced similar problems, such as isolation (Sawir et al., 2007), racism (Mills, 2018), limited accommodation (Duangpracha, 2012), linguistic barriers, and unfavorable social attitudes towards foreign accents.  In addition, because of language and cultural barriers, many international students were unable to secure adequate work opportunities.  Finally, international students who were more familiar with traditional classrooms and cultures often perceived Australia as chaotic (Dalglish & Chan, 2009).

 

Data to inform pre-departure services: The questions of students

To inform pre-departure services, tertiary education institutions might consider not only the challenges that students report but also the questions they tend to ask. To illustrate, James (2022) conducted a study of Japanese students, enrolled in an English course in Japan, to prepare before they study in the UK.  During this course, the students were instructed to write various questions they would like answered before they leave.  Many of the questions revolved around social relationships:

 

  • How do students establish friendships in the UK; can students establish friendships with people of any age?

  • Should I join a club or work part time to develop a network?

  • Will I be granted opportunities to speak with domestic students outside classes?

  • To what extent will I experience discrimination?

 

Some other questions revolved around the demands of academia and learning styles:

 

  • What is critical thinking?  How do I learn to think critically, given this skills are apparently important in the UK?

  • Is critical thinking really so different in other nations?  I think critical thinking is important in all cultures.

  • What happens if students are wrongly accused of plagiarism?

  • How does the style of teaching differ between Japan and the UK—and which differences may be uncomfortable to me?

  • What behaviors are considered appropriate and rude in UK classes?

  • How should I respond if I feel confused or unmotivated in class?

 

Other questions related more to cultural differences, especially around culture shock:

 

  • What are the main cultural differences between the UK and Japan?

  • How should I relieve culture shock or homesickness?

 

Some other questions revolved around how to manage daily or life problems that might unfold—including financial issue:

 

  • Should I always follow the customs of UK, even if these customs conflict with my values or traditions?

  • How do I manage problems that I do not want to disclose to other people?

  • How should I respond to illness, accidents, or conflicts with my host family?

  • What are some unexpected costs I might need to consider?

 

References

  • Bai, L., & Wang, Y. X. (2022). Pre-departure academic preparation: international students’ experiences of disciplinary study on 2+ 2 joint programmes. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 20(4), 479-491.

  • Blake, A. C. (2006). The experiences and adjustment problems of Africans at a historically black institution. College Student Journal, 40(4), 808-813.

  • Caldwell, E. F., & Ssekasi, D. H. (2016). Leaving home: The Challenges of Black-African international students prior to studying overseas. Journal of International Students, 6(2), 588-613.

  • Chan, E. A., Liu, J. Y. W., Fung, K. H. K., Tsang, P. L., & Yuen, J. (2018). Pre-departure preparation and co-curricular activities for Students' intercultural exchange: A mixed-methods study. Nurse Education Today, 63, 43-49.

  • Clark, N. (2013). Indian study abroad trends: Past, present, and future. World Education News and Reviews.

  • Cutting, M., Goda, Y., & Suzuki, K. (2022). Evaluation of pre-departure training for study abroad by adapting kirkpatrick’s model. International Journal for Educational Media and Technology, 16(1), 27-37.

  • Dalglish, D. C., & Chan A. (2009). Expectations and reality-international student reflections on studying in Australia. The Queensland University of Technology.

  • Duangpracha, K. (2012). The accommodation challenges of international students (Doctoral dissertation). Graduate School of Business and Law, Australia.

  • Favin, M., Steinglass, R., Fields, R., Banerjee, K., & Sawhney, M. (2012). Why children are not vaccinated: A review of the grey literature. International Health, 4(4), 229-238.

  • James, R. (2022). Japanese university students’ pre-departure questions about sociocultural adjustment during study abroad.

  • Kavilanz, P. (2018, March 14). Sharp drop in international student visas worries some US colleges. CNN Money.

  • Khanal, J., & Gaulee, U. (2019). Challenges of international students from pre-departure to post-study: A literature review. Journal of International Students, 9(2), 560-581.

  • Kironji, A. G., Cox, M. J. T., Edwardson, J., Moran, D., Aluri, M. J., Carroll, B., & Chen, C. C. G. (2018). Pre-departure training for healthcare students going abroad: Impact on preparedness. Annals of Global Health, 84(4).

  • Leder, G. C. & Forgasz, H. J. (2007). Australian and international mature students: The daily challenges. Higher Education Research & Development, 23(2), 183-198.

  • Lee, J. J. (2015). International student experiences of Neo-Racism and discrimination. International Higher Education, 44, 3-5.

  • López, E. M. H. (2021). International students involvement with preparations: Pre-departure coping strategies implemented by Mexican postgraduate students in the UK. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 81, 167-175.

  • Madden-Dent, T., Wood, D., & Roskina, K. (2019). An inventory of international student services at 200 US universities and colleges: Descriptive data of pre-departure and post-arrival supports. Journal of International Students, 9(4), 993-1008.

  • Mills, N. (2018). International students say challenges in Australia include loneliness, racism, poverty. ABC Radio Melbourne.

  • Mohamed, M. M. (2020). Challenges and adjustment of international students in Malaysia: Pre-departure factors and post-arrival strategies. Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, 8(10), 43-52.

  • Sandberg, A. R. (2022). Student perspectives on pre-departure orientation in study abroad: a mixed methods analysis (Doctoral dissertation, Rutgers University-Graduate School of Education).

  • Sawir, E., Marginson, S., Deumert, A., & Nyland, C. (2007). Loneliness and international students: An Australian study. Journal of Studies in International Education, 12(2)

  • Smith, A., Smith, H., & Jelley, T. (2018). Studying away strategies: well-being and quality of university life of international students in the UK. Journal of Education, Society and Behavioral Science., 26(4).

  • Spinks, J., & Wong, I. (2010). Understanding student recruitment in Mainland China: A case study. The Observatory of Borderless Higher Education.

  • Tang, X., Collier, D., A., & Witt, A. (2018). Qualitative study on Chinese students' perception of U.S. university life. Journal of International Students, 8(1), 151-178.

White Structure

Introduction

In Australia, and indeed in many nations, graduate researchers, such as PhD candidates, experience a range of challenges, increasing the likelihood of mental health problems.  Some of these challenges are especially pronounced in Indigenous candidates of Australian heritage (Behrendt et al., 2012).  For example   

 

  • Indigenous students who want to pursue a PhD may not be eligible, despite their extensive capabilities and experience in their community, because they have not fulfilled the stringent eligibility criteria of many universities  

  • the training that graduate researchers complete, such as training in research methods and research integrity, often dismisses or overlooks Indigenous epistemologies, research methods, methodologies, ethics, and theories

  • the ceremonial and community responsibilities can impede the capacity of these Indigenous candidates to fulfill deadlines or to conduct research at opportune times

  • the costs of Indigenous research—such as travel, accommodation, and remuneration of Elders, cultural advisors, and knowledge authorities—can be exorbitant but funding schemes do not always recognize these extra costs

  • some Indigenous cultures do not value written documents, with arguments that proceed linearly, to promulgate information—and hence the demands of a thesis or exegeses diverge from cultural norms

 

Many of the challenges that Indigenous candidates experience in Australia mirror some of the concerns of Indigenous candidates in other nations.  Some Maori students, for example, perceive the emphasis on rational argument rather than intuition and experience as well as specialization rather than more holistic perspectives as contrary to their imbued values and tendencies.  The students, after leaving their communities to study in Western universities, often feel wedged between two incompatible worlds (Barnhardt, 2002).  Indigenous students in Canada and Mexico often report similar concerns. 

 

Partly because of these challenges and other barriers, many Indigenous candidates withdraw from their degree before they complete their research.  Some of these individuals report profound feelings of shame.  Indigenous candidates can feel more conspicuous, burdened with the weight of family and community expectations—and thus feel their failures are more likely to be recognized rather than overlooked. 

 

Despite these challenges, a variety of motivations inspire Indigenous students to pursue a PhD or Masters by Research.  To illustrate, many Indigenous people have been conducting research, sometimes over many decades, to assist their community, often in collaboration with Western universities.  Yet, despite their experience, these individuals often feel they are perceived as merely assistants, working entirely within the Western scientific tradition, epitomized by the phrase “clipboards for hire”.  A research degree legitimizes their research capabilities, increasing the likelihood these individuals are bestowed the status and respect they deserve in Western academia.  In contrast, other motives can also inspire this pursuit of a PhD or Masters by Research.  For example 

 

  • some individuals feel that a research degree legitimizes the knowledges and research methods in their community—inspiring younger members to pursue this pathway as well

  • some individuals feel the research degree, and the concomitant prestige, will attract more consulting opportunities

  • some individuals want to learn more about themselves—about who they are, where they are, how to behave, and how to preserve their language and culture respectfully—and perceive this research degree as an opportunity to distil and to collate this information from diverse networks and to achieve this goal

 

Accordingly, many studies have explored the experiences of Indigenous graduate researchers and the practices or approaches that facilitate their progress and enhance their satisfaction.  In addition, several reports, commissioned by the government, such as the ACOLA review (McGagh et al., 2016) and the Behrendt report (Behrendt et al., 2012), have also recommended policies and practices that could support this cohort and overcome some of the existing challenges.

 

Nevertheless, Chirgwin (2015) cautions scholars of their tendency to orient their discussions to barriers and challenges.  This discourse around deficits positions Indigenous research candidates is problems to solve rather than sources of valuable knowledge and insight.  Yet, this emphasis on deficits may overlook the remarkable capabilities these candidates may confer—the unmitigated resistance and persistence of the candidates that Chirgwin (2015) recounted, for example.   

 

Characteristics of Indigenous graduate research candidates

As Trudgett, Page, and Harrison (2016) argue, few researchers have delineated the demographics of Indigenous Australians who have completed this degree successfully.  This information, however, would enable governments and universities to introduce policies and initiatives that support the candidates who are likely to succeed as well as circumvent barriers in the candidates who may be underrepresented.   

 

To address this shortfall, these researchers interviewed 50 Indigenous Australians who had already earned a doctoral qualification as well as 33 of their research supervisors. Many of these Indigenous participants were employed at universities, primarily because the sample was identified from contacts of academics. 

 

The age of Indigenous participants at the time the degree was conferred was dispersed.  Although fewer than 4% of these Indigenous participants were under 30, about a quarter were between 30 and 39, 44% were between 40 and 49, and about a quarter were between 50 and 59.  This distribution of ages diverges from a common assumption that Indigenous candidates in Australia tend to complete these degrees towards the end of their careers.  These candidates tended to have been midway in their career.

 

About half the Indigenous participants had enrolled full time.  Specifically, the 46% of Indigenous participants who were enrolled full time tended to complete their degree in 4.5 years on average.  The 26% of indigenous participants who had enrolled part time tended to complete their degree in 6.1 years—a relatively short time.  The remaining participants shifted between full time as well as part time and tended to complete in 5.9 years. Whether they reared children did not significantly affect completion times. 

 

Most of these Indigenous participants—about 60%—studied in the arts of humanities, 22% studied in education, 8% studies in the sciences, and 4% in public health, suggesting that STEM was generally underrepresented.  The majority of these Indigenous participants, almost three quarters, had completed their study on campus.

 

Determinants of satisfaction and progress: Communities of practice

One of the key challenges that Indigenous graduate researchers experience in Australia revolves around isolation.  That is, as Barney (2018) uncovered, from interviews of Indigenous graduates who have completed a PhD or Master of Philosophy, the usual isolation that PhD candidates and other graduate researchers experience may be amplified in Indigenous candidates because of several reasons.  For example

 

  • few if any of their peers are Indigenous

  • their research often diverges from the prevailing topics and methods in their discipline

  • their family often do not understand their journey—but are often supportive nonetheless

 

Furthermore, the scholarships tend to be inadequate because these candidates often needed to fulfil many other family and community duties.  Therefore, these candidates may feel alone while studying but laden with community responsibilities. 

 

To explore how individuals can withstand this isolation, Barney (2018) conducted a series of interviews with Australian Indigenous researchers who have graduated.  Specifically, the data were derived from 21 Indigenous participants who had completed either a PhD or, in two instances, a Master of Philosophy.  These individuals were granted an opportunity to discuss their experiences during the research and to recommend strategies that future Indigenous graduate researchers could adopt. 

 

The results uncovered some vital insights. Specifically, according to these participants, a supportive team of supervisors who understood, accommodated, and listened to their circumstances tended to offset many of their concerns. Similarly, Indigenous role models, even if not supervisors, and Indigenous peers, even if studying in another discipline, also enhanced their satisfaction with this journey.  Several events facilitate the formation of these networks with role models and peers including

 

  • writing retreats and other workshops

  • summer courses, such as the Professional Certificate in Indigenous Research at Melbourne University

 

Hence, although important to all graduate researchers, empathic supervisors, Indigenous role models, and Indigenous peers were especially vital to Indigenous PhD and Masters by Research candidates.  The Behrendt et al. (2012) reports also refers to the importance of peer networks.  According to this report, after Indigenous research candidates enroll, universities should help these individuals establish rewarding and trusting networks of peers.  These networks enable individuals to learn academic skills from one another, to share concerns, and to solve problems collectively.  Effective cohort models include the Indigenous Student Research Network and Postgraduate Research Capacity Program, introduced by the Queensland University of Technology.

​

These initiatives foster a sense of belonging in Indigenous graduate researchers.  These individuals are more likely to experience this sense of belonging to the broader institution if more of the cultural knowledges and practices of Indigenous students were embedded within the curriculum.  Certainly, many institutions and nations have introduced practices and programs that are intended to achieve this goal.  As Hauser et al. (2009) reported, Trent University and Cape Breton University in Canada developed science programs, in consultation with Indigenous Elders and communities, to integrate Indigenous knowledges and Western sciences as well as deploy teaching practices that are culturally sensitive. 

 

Similarly, in New Zealand, research candidates are granted opportunities to embrace “kaupapa Maori”, a research philosophy, derived from Maori ontologies.  This philosophy enabled the research candidates to embed traditional values into their research, such as reciprocity, connectedness, and sharing.  The students could integrate their Maori values and epistemologies with their pracices and identities as graduate researchers (McKinley et al. 2011).  This opportunities, together with supervisors who help the candidates navigate these challenges, tended to enhance the completion rate of these individuals (McKinley et al. 2011).

 

Determinants of satisfaction and progress: Supervisory practices

In their review of higher education access and outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, Behrendt et al. (2012) recommended that Australian universities should enhance the capacity of research supervisors to support Indigenous graduate research candidates, such as PhD candidates.  For example,

 

  • these supervisors should be informed about the distinct challenges that many Indigenous candidates experience and how to resolve these challenges

  • these supervisors should be informed about practices that often benefit Indigenous research candidates, such as a pedagogy that involves learning from one another and actively collaborating rather than merely screeching abstract instructions  

  • these supervisors should be informed about methods that are also culturally acceptable to their community, such as methods that benefit from an inclination towards allegory, extended conversations, such as yarning, and deference to authority rather than critical analyses of existing practices

 

Furthermore, according to this report, Australian universities should adapt their policies, procedures, or guidelines around co-supervision to enable more supervision from Indigenous individuals who are not necessarily academics in the university.  Indigenous research candidates who identify with a specific community were more likely than other indigenous research candidates to feel they should be supervised by at least one Indigenous supervisor.

 

To improve the supervision of Indigenous doctoral candidates in Australia, Trudgett (2014) interviewed 11 Indigenous Australians who have completed a doctorate and 5 academics who are not Indigenous but have supervised an Indigenous doctoral candidate to completion.  The findings reveal some challenges and practices that supervisors of Indigenous doctoral candidates should consider. 

 

First, all of these Indigenous participants maintain contact with at least one member of their supervision panel, and usually all members of their supervision panel, to this day—often 10 or more years after completion.  In some instances, the supervisor even attends significant family events.  These insights illustrate the degree to which these Indigenous participants value close relationships, even friendship, with supervisors.  This level of closeness might deviate from the policies and guidelines of universities.

 

Second, all the Indigenous participants wanted their supervisor to recognize that, because of their life experiences, they are deemed as important vessels of community knowledge.  Accordingly, rather than conform to the traditional arrangement of master and apprentice, these Indigenous participants preferred a mutual relationship in which they and their supervisors would each fulfill distinct and complementary roles, because of their unique experiences and expertise.  This preference was combined with the desire of these candidates to be granted opportunities to explore their ideas and to own their research.  They did not want supervisors to micromanage or limit this exploration. 

 

Third, the Indigenous participants wanted their supervisors to recognize their goal to fulfill the standards and needs of their community rather than merely the standards of Western academia.  Supervisors, they suggested, should appreciate the importance of social justice and community in these Indigenous projects.  But, as most participants recommended, the supervision panel should include a community or cultural advisor to assist these candidates.  Unfortunately, significant bureaucracy and limited funding often stifle these attempts to arrange and recognize cultural supervisors appropriately.  Often, these cultural advisors are unpaid. 

 

Fourth, supervisors need to be cognizant that many of the processes and practices in Indigenous communities around research are often more prolonged than perhaps anticipated.  The communities tend to prioritize these processes over efficiency or outcomes.  The assumption that candidates merely need to complete a sequence of activities or milestones overlooks the customs and values of these communities.          

 

Fifth, supervisors should practice cultural safety and demonstrate unmitigated respect towards the culture of their candidates.  They should invite Indigenous candidates to discuss which behaviors are culturally appropriate, enabling these doctoral students to act as cultural educators.  Supervisors need to recognize the role of colonialism on the disparities in power than Western scientists enjoy.  Yet, as the participants appreciated, Indigenous candidates should not challenge the identity and position of supervisors merely because these individuals may be white.   

 

Nevertheless, Indigenous participants felt often preferred supervisors who were migrants themselves and could thus appreciate the value of lived cultural experience.  Furthermore, Indigenous participants sometimes preferred a supervisor of their gender, especially if their research tended to revolve around one gender.

 

Trudgett (2014) derived a framework from these findings, designed to delineate how academics should supervise Indigenous doctoral candidates (for a guide that is more relevant to the supervision of health research in particular, see Laycock et al., 2009).  The recommended practices can be divided into four constellations.  First, to help these candidates develop their academic skills, supervisors should

 

  • inspire confidence in the candidate, referring to their strengths and to the capabilities they can readily develop

  • help candidates develop the skills they need to demonstrate academic rigor

  • demonstrate commitment to the student, as manifested by regular meetings and helpful feedback

 

Second, supervisors should reflect on the extent to which they

 

  • prioritize the relationship over productivity

  • recognize Indigenous Australians as respected holders of knowledge

  • acknowledge the impact of colonialism and the ensuing disparities in power on Indigenous Australians and appreciate the pressures that are imposed on Indigenous doctoral candidates

  • recognize the significance of community, family, and kinships and accommodate these responsibilities, demonstrating cultural sensitivity

 

Third, to foster these supervisory practices, the universities and research institutions should

 

  • encourage and compensate community or cultural advisors

  • accommodate the preferences of Indigenous candidates around the background and gender of supervisors

  • cultivate an environment in which Indigenous candidates feel respected and safe to express their needs and perspectives

 

Finally, to circumvent the limitations of supervisors and institutions, national bodies should

 

  • arrange opportunities that enable Indigenous doctoral candidates to network with each other across institutions

  • inform all Indigenous doctoral candidates of national initiatives that could support their research and careers

 

Determinants of satisfaction and progress: Supervision of Māori doctoral candidates

Although the experience of Indigenous candidates varies appreciably, especially across nations, the insights of Indigenous graduate researchers in one nation, such as New Zealand, may unearth initiatives and insights that could be applied to other nations, such as Australia.   To illustrate, supervision practices that Māori doctoral candidates appreciate could be valued by Australian Indigenous candidates as well.

 

Grant (2010) revealed how the traditional teaching and learning practices of research supervisors may sometimes be unhelpful to Māori doctoral candidates.  An analysis of interviews with 10 Māori doctoral candidates did reveal supervisory practices that candidates did not appreciate as well as other supervisory practices that candidates valued.  For example, these candidates appreciated moments in which

 

  • the supervisors and candidates established a foundation treaty around the roles and expectations of each party

  • the supervisors and candidates shared ideas and solved problems collectively, perhaps on a white board

  • supervisors conveyed advice on how the candidate should respond to critical feedback from reviewers or other individuals

  • candidates accompanied supervisors to international conferences

  • supervisors prompted the candidates to attempt to explain a concept, partly because this attempt to explain a concept may facilitate understanding

 

Determinants of satisfaction and progress: Support services

The university services that are designed to support Indigenous students, collectively referred to as Indigenous Education Units, do not always cater effectively to graduate researchers or even to postgraduate students in general.  These Aboriginal Task Force program, established in 1973 to enhance Indigenous participation in tertiary education, recommended these units to overcome the barriers of this participation.  Yet, few of the staff have completed postgraduate study and, therefore, might not appreciate some of the distinct challenges at this level.  The academic support these services offer may not cater to this more advanced level.  Perhaps because the services are not as relevant to their needs, research candidates are often unaware of the Indigenous Education Unit in their university.  Accordingly, Indigenous research candidates are frequently oblivious to many opportunities that could address some of their concerns, such as relevant scholarships (Behrendt et al., 2012).

 

Trudgett (2009, 2013) presented a series of recommendations to optimize these units.  For instance, according to Trudgett

 

  • during the orientation of Indigenous postgraduate students, these individuals should be introduced to the Indigenous Education Unit

  • Indigenous Education Unit should employ at least one officer who is dedicated to postgraduate studies.

  • the Indigenous Education Unit should collaborate with academics to arrange a welcoming environment

 

Determinants of satisfaction and progress: Considerations around examination

Even after Indigenous candidates resolve the challenges that impede their progress and complete their thesis, the examiners may reject their submission.  Harrison et al. (2016) explored some of the challenges that Indigenous doctoral candidates may experience that relate to the examination of their thesis.  These insights were derived from interviews with 50 Indigenous participants who had completed their doctorate. 

 

As the results show, to select examiners, the Indigenous participants and supervisors did not only attempt to identify experts on the topic but also to ascertain whether these individuals demonstrate an understanding and appreciation of Indigenous culture.  For example, the candidates and supervisors considered whether the examiners have studied with Indigenous students, lived or worked in a similar cultural background, expressed values that resonate with Indigenous communities, published work that reveals an understanding of Indigenous epistemologies, or has developed networks with relevant people. 

 

Because they prefer examiners who understand Indigenous culture, some Indigenous participants had expressed a preference towards Indigenous examiners, especially if the research concerned Indigenous matters.  Indigenous examiners were also especially useful contacts in their future.  Yet, other participants revealed that Indigenous examiners had been especially critical of their work—perhaps because they had developed strong beliefs and were pursuing a specific agenda.  Similarly, some participants were more concerned about whether the examiners understood the epistemology or subject matter of this project than whether examiners appreciated Indigenous culture.

 

The participants were also dubious about the objectivity of these examiners because of several reasons.  For example

 

  • some participants felt the stereotypes of non-Indigenous examiners about Indigenous candidates might bias their judgment

  • some participants were apprehensive about the political nature of examination; that is, because the number of Indigenous examiners is limited, these examiners might be familiar with the candidate, supervisor, or community.

 

Pathways to graduate research

Indigenous graduate researchers in Australia would benefit from a larger cohort of other Indigenous peers.   Yet, as underscored in the ACOLA review (McGagh et al., 2016), Indigenous candidates are underrepresented in graduate research programs.  At the time of this ACOLA review, 3% of the Australian population were Indigenous, but 1.4% of graduate research enrolments were Indigenous.  More disconcertingly, only of .55% of individuals who complete their graduate research were Indigenous—and completion rates in Indigenous candidates declined between 2011 and 2014.

 

To boost the number of Indigenous graduate researchers, the Behrendt et al. (2012) report recommended more opportunities should be arranged and more resources should be devoted to help students transition to a PhD or to another graduate research program.  These opportunities could include a variety of short programs and master classes, before individuals apply to graduate research degrees, in which they learn the relevant capabilities.  These classes, revolving around how to choose a research topic, how to develop the research question, how to design the methods, and how to write a research proposal, how to conduct fieldwork, and research integrity could all help individuals both apply as well as succeed after they enroll.  If possible, these courses should be readily accessible, available before and after enrolment, and generate a credential or qualification.    

 

According to the Behrendt et al. (2012) report, universities might design a variety of pathways to suit a range of individuals.  For example, some pathways could be designed to help Indigenous employees transition to research degrees, even if they have not completed undergraduate study.  Other pathways might be designed to assist Indigenous university staff complete these degrees.

 

Even if these pathways were more accessible, other barriers might deter Indigenous students from graduate research degrees. To illustrate, Schofield et al (2013) conducted a review to explore the key barriers that limit the capacity of Indigenous students to pursue graduate research, such as a PhD.  The first barrier revolved around the degree to which the academic environment is perceived as unsupportive of Indigenous candidates.  To illustrate

 

  • a survey, administered by the Australian National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU 2011), revealed that 72% of Indigenous staff at universities experienced racial discrimination and racist attitudes at work—such as insinuations they had not deserved their jobs or disrespect towards Indigenous knowledges and traditions

  • many Indigenous students feel that special provisions to support First Nations peoples, common in universities, diverges from the obsession with merit in academia and can thus attract resentment (e.g., Howlett et al. 2008)

 

Attempts to override these biases can sometimes amplify the problem.  In many university classes around cultural competence, instructors often imply that Indigenous knowledges are merely a set of religious beliefs rather than a rigorous epistemology that deserves respect.  Accordingly, Indigenous students often feel their knowledges or perspectives are, at least implicitly, disparaged and belittled.  Sometimes, how Indigenous knowledges are communicated even violates Indigenous law or protocol (Sonn et al., 2000).

 

As the ACOLA review reinforced (McGagh et al., 2016), even when candidates feel culturally safe, financial pressures may also deter Indigenous candidates from graduate research courses.  Potential candidates are often successful and coveted in industry and, therefore, can earn an attractive salary.  This salary may help support their family and community.  This income may plummet, at least temporarily, if they pursued a PhD, even with a top-up scholarship.   

 

To override the barriers that deter Indigenous candidates from graduate research, the ACOLA review proposed a range of recommendations.  For instance

 

  • institutions may need to consider more outreach programs to demonstrate the benefits of doctoral degrees not only to potential applicants but to their families as well

  • institutions should consider the professional experience of Indigenous candidates when deciding which applicants should be admitted and which applicants should receive scholarships

  • institutions should establish a body that represents Indigenous HDR candidates—to facilitate a dialogue between these candidates and policy makers.  This dialogue may culminate in policies and practices that recognize the identities, customs, and strengths of these Indigenous candidates  

 

References

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White Structure

Introduction

According to the Behrendt et al. (2012) Review, Australia must enable more Indigenous people to conduct research—partly so they can direct and guide research that benefits their communities and partly because of the insights that transpire from the integration of Indigenous knowledges and Western approaches.  As this report suggests, to foster more interest and capability in research, government, tertiary education, and other research organizations should consider all levels—from work experience in school students to greater support towards Indigenous professors.  However, as Locke et al. (2022) acknowledged, although significant research has been conducted and policies have been introduced to facilitate the development of Indigenous students in Australia, support of early career academics has been scant. 

 

Admittedly, some research has explored the practices in universities that facilitate the development and contributions of Indigenous academics in general (for a review in the health disciplines, see Ewen et al., 2019).  For example, according to the literature on this topic, Indigenous researchers, including early career academics, are more likely to flourish when

 

  • they are granted opportunities to contribute to large, ongoing research programs that revolve around an exciting vision of the future—rather than contribute only to small, isolated studies (Brands & Gooda, 2006)—especially programs that utilize Indigenous expertise and are conducted in close partnership with Indigenous communities as well as shaped and supported by Elders (Bainbridge, 2016; Kelly et al., 2012)

  • the research programs in which they collaborate privilege Indigenous knowledges, theories, research methods, pedagogies, experiences, and worldviews as well as embrace intercultural exchange (Saunders et al., 2010)

  • they collaborate with a cohort of Indigenous researchers, spanning multiple generations (Bainbridge, 2016)

  • they are granted leadership opportunities and other pathways to progress in their career (Ewen et al., 2019)

  • the institution develops networks that enable Indigenous academics to collaborate and to interact with peers in other institutions, states, and nations (Guthrie et al., 2011; Kelly et al., 2012)

 

Strategies to facilitate the development of Indigenous early career researchers in Australia: The BIRC program

Some universities have introduced programs that are designed to enhance the research skills and capabilities of Indigenous researchers—often complementing their knowledge of Indigenous research practices with opportunities to apply these practices within a Western institution.  To illustrate one case study, Kim Elston et al. (2013) developed a program, called BIRC or Building Indigenous Research Capacity, to facilitate the development of Australian Indigenous researchers.  The program was designed and launched at James Cook University, located in northern Australia. 

 

This program comprises several phases.  First, the participants complete two assessment tools.  The first tool, the ICRAT, ascertains the skills, knowledge, and practices they would like to develop.  The second tool, the ICRP, helps the participants determine their career goals, research aspirations, and financial priorities over several decades.  Taken together, these tools enable both the Indigenous researchers to understand their priorities and the administrators to identify suitable mentors and opportunities. 

 

Next, the participants attend residential workshops, lasting five days.  During two of the days, they learn research skills and professional skills that are relevant to their needs and goals.  During the other three days, they were granted more opportunities to share their experiences, ideas, concerns, and solutions. 

 

Furthermore, the participants attend writing retreats.  Specifically, before the retreat, these Indigenous researchers are assigned some tasks or preparation to complete, such as to decide the outlets in which they want to publish their work.  During the retreat, they received mentoring from accomplished researchers on how to fulfill their research goals. 

 

To evaluate this program, the researchers interviewed participants about their experience with this project.  In addition, participants could submit written narratives to depict their experience privately and anonymously.  Finally, the researchers examined outcomes—such as number of publications the researchers produced before and after the program was implemented. 

 

According to the participants, the program cultivated a supportive space, in which Indigenous researchers and non-Indigenous researchers could share their perspectives in a trusting environment and explore the tensions and boundaries that separate their worlds.  However, the participants also referred to the benefits of another space in which only Indigenous researchers could assemble and challenge the oppressive features of the academic environment.   

 

During this experience, the Indigenous researchers felt they had developed some helpful capabilities. For example, they believed they could

 

  • understand and challenge white privilege more effectively

  • overcome resistance to some of their research practices

  • feel a sense of purpose and growth

 

Compared to before BRIC was launched, five years after this project was launched, the number of Indigenous researchers in the university increased from 36 to 131.  The number of publications, including books, book chapters, conference presentations, and reports also increased dramatically, from 36 to 131.

 

Strategies to facilitate the development of Indigenous early career researchers in Australia: Exemplary training

Many researchers have explored the features of training programs that are especially likely to boost the research capabilities of Indigenous researchers.  Ewen et al. (2019), for example, conducted a comprehensive literature review of the approaches and practices that institutions have implemented to enhance the Indigenous research capacity in the health disciplines—although many of the insights could be applied to other disciplines as well.  Twenty four publications matched the eligibility criteria to be included in the review. 

 

Many of these publications unearthed insights around the features of exemplary research training programs.  For example, as this review uncovered (Ewen et al., 2019),

 

  • training workshops should be designed to impart skills on the gamut of research practices, prioritizing academic writing, research design, grant applications, project management, and fieldwork (Kim Elston et al., 2013)

  • the format should facilitate conversations around research as well as practical exercises, such as retreats, workshops, and reading groups (Bainbridge, 2016; Guthrie et al., 2011)

  • the training program should not be generic but accommodate the diverse level of research experience, lived experience, entry pathways, aspirations, challenges, and discipline of Indigenous researchers and be responsive to their cultural, emotional, and financial needs (Kim Elston et al., 2013; Kelly et al., 2012; Leon de la Barra et al., 2009; Saunders et al., 2010)

  • during the training program, the participants should be granted many opportunities to converse about their research interests and encouraged to grant early career researchers opportunities to collaborate on their projects (Kim Elston et al., 2013)

  • the institutions should arrange regular meetings, in person, that only Indigenous researchers can attend (Bainbridge, 2016; Kim Elston et al., 2013)

  • the institutions should encourage or arrange experienced researchers, including both non-Indigenous and Indigenous academics, to mentor early career Indigenous researchers (Kim Elston et al., 2013)

  • the institutions should introduce policies that grant Indigenous researchers the time and flexibility to complete this training (Kelly et al., 2012; Street et al., 2007)

 

Strategies to enhance the retention of Indigenous early career researchers in Australia

Most Australia universities are unable to attract and to retain enough Indigenous researchers to fulfill their strategic goals.  As the Universities Australia (2020) report indicated, Indigenous people are acutely underrepresented in academia.  Although 3.1% of the Australian population are Indigenous, only if another 1185 Indigenous academics were employed would 3.1% of Australian academics be Indigenous.

 

Some of the existing practices of institutions may inadvertently limit the number of Indigenous academics in universities.  One of the practices, although first identified in Canada, might apply to Australia as well.  To illustrate this practice, Louie (2019) analyzed 30 job advertisements that are designed to attract Indigenous academics and non-Indigenous academics in Canada.  If the job advertisements were designed to attract Indigenous academics, the key selection criteria were more stringent and the role was broader.  Specifically, applicants had to demonstrate their connections to Indigenous communities in Canada and their familiarity with Indigenous knowledges.  If the job advertisements were not specifically designed to attract Indigenous academics, these criteria were not included.  Yet, despite this difference, none of these additional responsibilities of Indigenous academics in Canada attract more funding, workload allocation, or promotions.  That is, Indigenous academics in Canada need to have developed more skills and fulfill more responsibilities but do not receive more recognition or funding.

 

Many Indigenous academics in Australia as well are swamped with responsibilities.  To overcome this problem, institutions need to appreciate the sources of satisfaction and stress in Indigenous academics, employed in Australian universities, and then introduce some initiatives to promote this satisfaction and manage this stress. 

 

Asmar and Page (2009) conducted a study that was designed to achieve this goal.  These researchers adopted a bicultural approach, integrating Indigenist principles with ostensibly Western methods—in this instance, interviews.  This research conformed to criteria that researchers often apply to evaluate critical Indigenous qualitative research (Denzin et al., 2008), such as

 

  • this research benefits the self-determination of research participants

  • this research represents all Indigenous peoples and individuals honestly, devoid of stereotypes

  • this research honors, rather than exploits, Indigenous knowledges and customs—and is accountable to Indigenous communities

  • indigenous persons are granted first access to the findings and control the distribution of knowledge

  • neo-colonial paradigms are not applied to judge this research

 

During the interviews, the 23 Indigenous researchers, employed at Australian universities, tended to orient their discussion more around teaching than research or administration.  Many of these participants regarded their teaching role as their principal mission.  This emphasis seems to diverge from the priorities of many other academics, who often prefer research over teaching.

 

Like other academics, the Indigenous academics often alluded to the stress of teaching.  However, their sources of stress were distinct, often revolving around the resistance, and sometimes racism, of non-Indigenous students.  These academics often teach or facilitate discussions around Indigenous matters—matters that are mandatory in many disciplines, such as health and education. Students often become hostile when exposed to the troubling history between Indigenous peoples and colonists.  Indigenous academics may attempt to address these responses professionally but often feel emotional and drained afterwards.

 

Besides resistant students, the stereotypical assumptions of non-Indigenous colleagues were another sources of stress.  Colleagues would often simplify the issues, such as asking Indigenous colleagues to merely write a list of behaviors that students should enact when interacting with Indigenous clients.  Indeed, participants were sometimes frustrated that Indigenous students often felt the need to address the misconceptions of non-Indigenous teachers. In addition, the participants felt that universities had not cultivated an environment that could assist the development of Indigenous students.    

 

Besides stress, the participants often referred to their heavy workload.  But, unlike their non-Indigenous counterparts, this workload often revolved student support, such as assisting Indigenous students.  These Indigenous students might not have developed strategies to thrive in academic settings, partly because their families might live remotely and may not had studied at university before.  Despite some attempts, most workload formulas disregard this role of many Indigenous academics. 

 

This support was not restricted to Indigenous students.  Non-Indigenous students also often embrace the supportive practices of these Indigenous academics.  

 

Nevertheless, the participants did not conceptualize this support, especially the support of Indigenous students, as a burden but as essential.  Indeed, about half the participants experienced great satisfaction while teaching, primarily because of their capacity to assist Indigenous students and act as a role model.  The participants also enjoyed conversations with international students, especially students from colonized nations who can relate to these discussions. 

 

The career pathways of these participants often diverged from the career pathways of their non-Indigenous counterparts.  The academics recognized that promotion committees typically prioritize research, yet these participants often felt their teaching commitments often stifled their research endeavors.  Many of these participants had progressed from student support roles, rather than doctorates, sometimes impeding their research efforts.   

 

Finally, the participants felt their identity was central to their role.  They often perceived themselves as cultural translators and as individuals who bridge Indigenous culture and Western perspectives.  These individuals often experienced the tension between the Euro-centric curriculum and their own social justice agenda.  

 

Because national strategies around Indigenous research and Indigenous students continues to evolve, Asmar and Page (2018) replicated this research nine years later, interviewing 15 Indigenous academics.  All participants reported they engage in cultural awareness work almost daily—either as part of professional development programs, as consultants on committees, or during informal conversations.  For example, they might be invited to discuss how to Indigenize a curriculum and how to support Indigenous students.  They tended to embrace these opportunities.  Although these interactions were not often stressful, the participants expressed the concern that non-Indigenous staff would sometimes

 

  • relinquish all Indigenous matters to Indigenous staff,

  • fail to demonstrate enough respect to Indigenous staff—such as ask these staff to conduct training on very short notice

  • seem defensive when Indigenous staff expressed Indigenous perspectives about some matter 

 

Yet, some non-Indigenous colleagues demonstrated suitable respect and, for example, named a junior Indigenous researcher as the chief investigator of a project.  Furthermore, participants were often granted opportunities to develop their capabilities and network.  For example

 

  • some participants had received conference funding and grants to support their research as well as opportunities to attend workshops on teacher development

  • some participants had been assigned lighter workloads to progress on their PhD

 

In general, because many of these participants had accrued considerable experience in other sectors and thus had developed mature approaches to interpersonal matters, they were able to assert themselves and resist excessive demands.  For example, they often resisted tokenistic committee work or work that could be delegated to non-Indigenous colleagues   

 

Nevertheless, because some of these individuals were relatively inexperienced in academia despite extensive careers in other sectors or were the only Indigenous academics in their discipline, participants would have liked programs, such as mentoring, that were more tailored to their circumstances and culture.  Casual discussions with other Indigenous scholars were very helpful and partly fulfilled this need.    

 

Finally, participants discussed how institutions attempted to support their career progress.  Some institutions had organized a research mentor, teaching mentor, and academic mentor.  Furthermore, in some institutions, promotion committees seemed to perceive Indigenous knowledges as equivalent to a doctoral qualification—and, therefore, the absence of a PhD did not necessarily stifle career progress.

 

Yet, participants did report some challenges around career progress. For example, some institutions preferred to employ Indigenous academics part time and transiently.  Participants at the level of associate lecturer or lecturer felt they may not have received the same level of academic support as their more senior Indigenous counterparts.    

 

The role of Indigenous leadership

Universities have introduced a range of programs and initiatives to support the needs of Indigenous academics, particularly early career teachers and researchers.  However, unless guided by strong Indigenous leadership and effective Indigenous strategies, these programs and initiatives tend to be sporadic, fragmented, and generic rather than cohesive, effective, and customized. 

 

As Coates et al. (2021) argued, leadership and strategy around Indigenous matters in Australian universities has improved in recent decades.  However, several important shortfalls need to be addressed.  For example, many bodies have championed the development and implementation of an Indigenous Research Strategy—a strategy that clarifies the goals around Indigenous research and assigns these goals to relevant individuals.  Yet, as Universities Australia (2019) recognized, although many universities have explored this possibility, few of these institutions have introduced an Indigenous Research Strategy.  Consequently, the existing impediments to Indigenous Research and how these impediments could be addressed holistically have not been delineated cohesively.   

 

This delay could partly be ascribed to limited resources around Indigenous leadership.  For example, even by 2019, only about half the Australian universities had appointed an Indigenous senior executives.  Instead, Indigenous strategy tends to be devolved to smaller centers in universities—centers that might not be granted the authority to pursue this strategic agenda.  The reasons that many Indigenous senior executives have not been appointed, although partly ascribed to problems with recruitment (Page et al., 2017), are not entirely known.  Indeed, research on Indigenous leadership in Australia is sparse.   

 

To empower Indigenous academics, many university committees will include Indigenous representatives. However, at least in North America, and perhaps in Australia, many Indigenous members feel their inclusion is tokenistic and designed more to benefit the institution and not to effect tangible change (Garrison-Wade et al., 2012; Henry et al., 2017).  Indigenous members can often raise concerns about equity, for example, but the committee is seldom positioned to implement tangible and sustainable change.  Accordingly, their participants often consumes time but does not benefit other Indigenous staff or students.

 

References

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